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They also used to be represented by the Republic of Turkey itself and the institution that used to be at its core: the military. In other words, the republic — an ideological and not a democratic state — favoured the Kemalists as model citizens. This explains why the Turkish military is so beloved by secularists.
It is an institution that is made up almost exclusively of secularist Turks and which embodies their ideology and interests. It would be unthinkable in Turkey today to have a colonel or a general who attends daily prayers or who has a wife who wears a headscarf.
The recent advance of conservatives to senior positions in state institutions that were previously reserved for ideologically suitable i. Kemalist citizens has shocked, infuriated and demoralised the secularists. This was surprising for some Westerners, who expected the secularists to represent the more liberal, pro-EU section of Turkish society.
Their popular base is very small — even the most promising liberal parties have not captured more than 1 percent of the vote in elections — but their influence on public discourse is crucial. Most liberals are secular — in fact, some are more secular than the Kemalists — but they are not secularist. In other words, they recognise the legitimate role of religion in the lives of individuals and societies. It is therefore no accident that in the first decade of the 21st century, an alliance emerged between the liberals and the AKP-led conservatives against the military and the Kemalist establishment as a whole.
At the same time, however, the liberals have often criticised the AKP for insufficient liberalism and a lack of focus on the EU project. Such criticism looks set to become more vociferous in the near future as the AKP increasingly loses interest in the EU — in part a consequence of being rebuffed by the bloc.
In addition to the conservatives, secularists and liberals, there is a fourth camp in Turkish political life: the nationalists. What sets the MHP and its grassroots supporters apart, however, is that nationalism is virtually the sole issue on their political agenda.
Since the s, the main engine driving Turkish nationalism and the MHP has been the popular reaction to Kurdish nationalism and, in particular, to the violent acts perpetrated by the outlawed PKK, which is defined as a terrorist group not only by Turkey but also by the United States and many European countries.
Nobody knows exactly how many Kurds there are in Turkey, but my informed estimate would be that there are around 15 percent of the population, or 10 million people. However, there are two important facts to bear in mind. First, migration to Western cities means that more than half of those Kurds no longer live in their historical homeland in the southeast of Turkey. The political parties that espouse PKK ideology the Peace and Democracy Party, or BDP, is the latest addition routinely win 5 percent of the vote in national elections, which translates into support from one out of every three Kurds.
A key question for the years to come will be how to institutionalise that integration and put a definitive end to the conflict between the PKK and the security forces. Finally, there are the religious minorities. The largest minority — although it is not designated as such in Turkish law — is the Alevi, an unorthodox Muslim 20 community in Turkey.
They feel discriminated against by the Sunni majority, for their places of worship, the cemeviler, do not enjoy the official support that mosques do. There are also non-Muslim communities such as Armenians, Greeks and Jews, which unlike the Alevi are recognised by law as minorities. However, these communities, in particular the Orthodox Ecumenical Patriarchate, had more freedom and privileges under the Ottoman Empire than in the Turkish republic.
Ultimately, the real guarantee of the rights and liberties of both the minorities and the majority would be a live-and-let-live social contract: in other words, a democratic constitution. Otherwise, they will continue to be haunted and hounded by the issues that divide them so harshly.
The upcoming general elections of June will be crucial in this regard. Polls suggest that the AKP will be the winner, but much will depend on how big its victory is. If the AKP has more has two-thirds of the seats in parliament, it will be able to write a new constitution on its own. That could provoke the secularists, and even the Kurdish and Turkish nationalists, and create sharp tensions. If the AKP wins fewer seats, on the other hand, it would be forced to reach a consensus with one or more of these opposition groups.
This might be better for Turkey, which needs not only a stable government but also a rational opposition. Despite general acknowledgement that all nationalisms were the product of both memory and oblivion, the phantoms buried within Turkish national identity were rather understated in the literature. By the end of the s, the processes that would release the memory genie from the bottle had been initiated.
These processes have acquired a particular momentum in the past decade from a proliferation of academic studies, biographies, memoirs, novels, poetry, works of art and movies. Remembering the atrocities committed in the name of homogeneity during the demise of the Ottoman Empire and the rise of the Turkish republic is an ongoing process. While some social groups embrace efforts to remember, others continue to adopt the official rhetoric of denial.
Despite such divisions in society, it is possible to say that there has been a significant move in Turkey away from a culture of forgetting and the suppression of memory towards remembrance. The past few years have seen an unsurpassed number of popular publications that have unravelled many suppressed and forgotten family histories.
One of the pivotal books was titled Anneannem My Grandmother, published in She was adopted by a Muslim family when her Armenian relatives faced deportation at the turn of the 20th century. There were also books and films focusing on the fate of Kurdish women who were given up for adoption as babies to Turkish families by state authorities during the Dersim massacres of Two movies were also released to nationwide acclaim.
A television drama series, Bu Kalp Seni Unutur mu? Can This Heart Forget You? The number of signatures on the website had reached 30, by the end of that year. A nationalist backlash also followed. The process of remembering went hand in hand with various constitutional and legal amendments such as the lifting of the ban on teaching and broadcasting in the Kurdish language.
These measures also triggered a process of denationalisation of citizenship in Turkey. In the aftermath of the military coup, there was a major assault on the political realm. In effect, politics became a crime in Turkey. An average apolitical upper-middle-class Turk could go about his or her life as normal, although there was a curfew and frequent police checks and random searches in major cities.
However, for the average Kurd living in a southeastern city, life became dramatically difficult. The authorities launched a major crackdown on expressions of Kurdish identity. For example, a law made the utilisation of the Kurdish language illegal.
Although this law was repealed in , a ban on broadcasting and teaching in Kurdish survived until , after which it was gradually repealed as part of EU accession reforms. In , a state television channel began broadcasting in Kurdish. The military coup of September 12, and subsequent three-year military rule officially ended with elections in November and the formation of a civilian government. Under this law, emergency rule was declared at different times in 14 provinces in southeast Turkey between and In the period after and throughout the OHAL years, there were five different policy approaches in southeastern Turkey.
First, the armed forces maintained a visible presence and engaged in military skirmishes with the PKK. Third, Kurdish villages were placed under the control of guards who engaged in criminal acts such as arson, harassment, robbery, rape, armed attack and kidnapping. Fourth, many villages were burned to the ground and millions of people forced to migrate to western provinces.
Fifth, there were concerted efforts on the part of state authorities to replace Kurdish place names with Turkish ones, and prevent people from giving their children Kurdish names. Many regional boarding schools were established with the goal of Turkifying Kurdish children.
In January, 12 such corpses were discovered in the province of Mutki, in Bitlis. As more and more bodies were dug up, it became increasingly apparent that the skeletons and phantoms in Turkish Republican closets would have to be faced. He is currently banned from participating in active politics. He has published eight important works — fiction, non-fiction, an autobiographical novel and letters from prison, all of them dealing with the Kurdish issue.
In , the government announced plans to ease restrictions on the Kurds but did not live up to the expectations of many democrats. Are you now hopeful that the Kurdish issue can be addressed on a political level? Although there are still isolated acts of violence aimed at influencing upcoming elections, it is no longer possible to sustain the violence of the past.
I am hopeful that, after the elections, we can address the Kurdish issue politically through a new constitution. This process will largely be determined by how the main actors, namely the BDP and the governing AKP, approach negotiations. They have failed to reach a consensus in recent years for a number of reasons.
After the elections, mainstream Kemalist parties on both the left and the right failed in the eyes of Kurdish voters. Rather than seeking out dialogue in parliament, the BDP focused on this rivalry. For instance, the party boycotted a referendum on important constitutional amendments.
Moreover, to the surprise of everyone, the BDP declared that it was unethical to invite the PKK to announce a ceasefire. Two months before the elections, the BDP launched a campaign of civil disobedience and demanded an increase of the 10 percent threshold for national elections, mother tongue education programmes, the release of detained members of the KCK the urban wing of the PKK , as well an end to military operations.
It made no move to amend the electoral threshold, which would have gone some way to easing tensions. It also saw the BDP as a political rival. It is, however, necessary to look beyond this rivalry and address the Kurdish issue by seeking out an accord that rises above party politics. Yet there are still reasons to be hopeful. It is clear to the Kurds that the Turkish state can no longer deny them their 26 language and culture.
The military is no longer the chief actor in the Kurdish issue. Some tensions among Kurds have been eased by openness and increased control over clandestine groups engaged in violence. These moves are all highly significant. After the elections, the new parliament will debate a new constitution that will guarantee equal rights to all citizens and respect all languages and differences.
Both Turks and Kurds are like members of a society that woke up one day with amnesia. These people are now trying to wake up from a nightmarish past that they tried to forget. They are building a new memory. This process does not pervade all sections of society: there is still a lack of public support for trials involving clandestine state operations such as Ergenekon and Balyoz and the JITEM cases involving the murders of Kurdish civilians.
Kemalist and neo-unionist leftist actors have been quite successful in discrediting these trials both domestically and internationally. Evidence shown in the Hrant Dink murder case indicates that this assassination was an Ergenekon operation. But the case has not been legally linked to the Ergenekon trials. Complete silence surrounds the murders committed in Kurdish cities. For example, some of those detained as suspects in the Ergenekon case are now standing as CHP candidates in the election.
This creates a deep unease among the population, which fears that the clandestine activities of the state will never be addressed. Many murder cases including the assassination of Musa Anter in , in which I was seriously wounded are about to be closed when the statute of limitations expires. Around 1, people killed in Kurdish provinces were buried in mass graves — a new mass grave is discovered every day. Unfortunately, none of these excavations follow United Nations standards and DNA diagnostic procedures.
Without doubt, the number of people who still believe in the lies and fabricated historical accounts are diminishing by the day. But this change in public perception has not yet influenced politicians. So far, calls for an official apology have gone unanswered. Instead, a very Turkish-style compromise appears to be in sight. If the political will is strong and the idea wins public support, it is possible that a Truth and Reconciliation Commission could be constituted within parliament.
Such a measure would clearly represent a positive step forward. In two of them, Turkey veers towards authoritarianism, with either an Islamist or a secularist illiberal regime in place. But a third scenario — with which I largely agree — projected Turkey squarely on the road to a liberal and pluralist democracy.
The history of the republic founded on the ruins of the Ottoman Empire can be divided into three periods. The first, the founding period, was characterised by top-down reforms to build a secular Turkish nation under an authoritarian, single-party regime. After the Second World War, democratisation was driven by both external and internal pressures. It resulted in an illiberal democracy and multiparty system under the tutelage of the military and civilian bureaucracy, reinforced by military interventions throughout the Cold War.
Authoritarian secularism kept religion under state control and restricted religious liberties while Turkifying and Sunnifying the multiethnic, multireligious population. With the end of the Cold War, there was a transition towards a liberal and pluralist regime, triggered by bottom-up dynamics. As a consequence, a new business class arose in the Anatolian heartland.
Culturally conservative and devoutly Muslim, it embraced liberal economics and democracy. It increasingly challenged the power of the mainly Istanbul-based big business, which was dependent on state protection and subsidies and was committed to the official ideology of Kemalism — that is, elitist secular nationalism. In parallel, religious leaders and movements, such as the Naqshibandi brotherhood and the Nurcu community, called for a liberal and globalised economy and polity.
He advocated democracy and human rights, secularism in the form of freedom of religion, respect for different beliefs and lifestyles, and the market economy; and he supported Turkish membership of the EU. A second factor facilitating the transition to European democracy was the critical discourse of liberal intellectuals.
This silent revolution advanced human rights, curbed the influence of the military, allowed broadcasts in Kurdish and ended the denial of Kurdish identity. Accession negotiations have since come to a halt for well-known reasons. One was the stalling of the reform process in Turkey — mainly as a consequence of domestic turmoil between and , due to military coup attempts and the 32 closure case against the AKP in the Constitutional Court. The constitutional amendments adopted by a large margin in a referendum on September 12, , curbed the tutelary powers of the military and judiciary.
Yet it is too early to declare success or failure. As the country prepares for the parliamentary elections on June 12, , the AKP government has declared that the passage of a new, democratic constitution is a top priority. Polls suggest that the AKP is heading for a third term, primarily because of continued economic growth. However, criticism of the AKP government is increasing. Some of this comes from those who were opposed to the party from the outset: committed to Kemalism and supportive of military and judicial coup attempts, they saw the AKP as an authoritarian Islamist regime on the Iranian model or as a civilian dictatorship on the Russian model with the support of the conservative-religious majority bloc.
But there is little credible evidence for these claims. However, those who were previously supportive of the AKP have also begun to criticise it. They fear that the AKP is no longer interested in reforms but rather simply in consolidating power through a reconciliation with the Kemalist military and judicial establishment whose powers it has curbed.
This healthy and modernised economy has boosted expectations of democratic consolidation in both state and society. Common people have enjoyed the benefits of broader freedom and democracy and expanding welfare, and are pressing politicians to continue with modernisation and democratisation. If they fail to meet those demands, governments will not stay in power. Politically, economically and culturally, Turkey is also far more open than it was a decade ago.
Such coverage has amplified popular demands for the military to keep to its professional duties. There are signs that a growing section of the military is also weary of politics. Legislation curbing the tutelary prerogatives, the prosecution of coup plotters apparently endorsed by the high command and, most importantly, the rising consensus among military ranks against political involvement is preventing the risk of future intervention and therefore the threat of secularist authoritarianism.
The prospect of election-based authoritarianism based on the alliance between the AKP and various religious movements is not convincing. Devout religiosity may be widespread, especially among the Sunni majority, but there is little support for a Sharia—based regime.
The authoritarian secularist policies of the Kemalist state have not been able to curb the influence of religious brotherhoods, communities and faith-based movements. The transformation of Turkey has spread interpretations of Islam that are compatible with modernity and also advance secularisation — that is, the genuine separation of religion and politics.
Moreover, the profound differences between those promoting Islamic values hinder the emergence of a unified bloc. A good example is the PKK. Having started in the late s with the aim of uniting all Kurds across the Middle East in a Marxist-Leninist state, it has now largely abandoned its communist and secessionist discourse in favour of regional autonomy within Turkey.
The BDP, which wins percent of the national vote, decided to take part in the parliamentary elections in The CHP has also changed as a result of popular pressure. In conclusion, Turkey can be expected to continue its progress towards consolidating a liberal and pluralist democracy, even if the road ahead is not smooth. Had the EU remained united in supporting its accession, Turkey could have moved faster with reforms to meet the membership criteria. The accession process has, unfortunately, stalled.
But the dynamic it helped set off, along with other drivers discussed above, continues to push forward the democratisation of Turkey. Public debt has shrunk from 75 percent of GDP to 40 percent. Once a source of national anxiety and a playground for mafioso practices, the modern Turkish banking system is now first rate, and weathered the crisis with no casualties and handsome profits.
No longer required to roll over large public debt and with high real interest rates, Turkey had the funds to adopt universal health care and impressive social policies, and along the way witnessed a significant drop in its Gini inequality index. Compared to , the Turkey of is a wealthier, more open, freer, more democratic, fairer and more peaceful country. Whither the EU? The EU has played a key role in this leap forward. FDI in Turkey increased fourfold immediately after the decision to start membership negotiations.
Between and , political parties with diverse ideologies and priorities agreed to support several waves of EU political reforms. Turks frequently argue that they will correct the European demographic predicament and contribute to its energy security, but both of these arguments have a dubious empirical basis. Turkey does have a younger population and is at a different state of demographic transition, but new university graduates in Turkey have one of the highest unemployment rates in the OECD.
Turkey is not adequately preparing its youth for the domestic labour market, let alone the European labour market. Turkey also is more reliant on Russian hydrocarbons than many countries in Western Europe, so it is not a foregone conclusion that Turkey can necessarily boost European energy security. Since then, we have witnessed bizarre moves such as altering the map of Europe engraved on euro coins so that Cyprus 38 can be included without any sign of Turkey — a comical legerdemain.
Currently, EU-Turkey relations call to mind the old Soviet joke of workers pretending to work and bosses pretending to pay them. A normative case for Turkish accession To some, the EU is the visionary project of an ever-expanding realm of peace, prosperity and liberty. To others, it is simply a way of advancing petty national interests under the guise of higher and more enlightened goals. The advocates of the first view take pleasure and comfort in quoting Jean Monnet.
Those who take the latter view point out that in the EU everyone wants to share what they do not have: for the UK, a continental market; for France, a monetary policy; for Germany, a foreign policy; and for everyone else, global relevance.
Although the debate about Turkish accession has been going on for more than 10 years, there is not yet a normative case for Turkish accession. All previous accessions have had a more visible normative backdrop: the accession of southern Europe was not unrelated to the imperative of solidarity with new democracies; and eastern enlargement was perceived as a way of reaching out to estranged, and sometimes abused, neighbours.
But no one has made a similar case for Turkish accession. Given that the European project is first and foremost aimed at promoting peace, this could be the basis for a normative argument. Turkey continues to have troops in Cyprus which are not welcomed by Greek Cypriots. Instead of initiating a process of self-reflection, none of these nations has considered the long-term impact of these deployments, although in some cases the capital city at the time was occupied for several years.
The history of European attitudes and prejudices towards the East are due for a re- examination. Voltaire and Lord Byron argued passionately in favour of chasing Turkish barbarians out of Europe. Unsurprisingly, in view of this thesis, Gladstone demanded that Europe should be thoroughly cleansed of the Turks.
In order to repudiate its previous misdeeds, Europe must treat Turkey as an equal and welcome partner. At the same time, Turkey has to show to friend and foe alike that it has the wherewithal to be a part of the European normative space. Some have also taken the bold step of assuming responsibility. This is indeed very encouraging, but still does not go far enough. Turkey says it wants to join the EU and also be an actor on the world stage through membership of the UN Security Council and the G, but its education system reinforces existing xenophobia and inculcates a very cynical, might-is-right view of the world.
The meta-narrative in textbooks is Hobbesian and, as a result, comparative surveys have shown that Turks display relatively high levels of scepticism towards other nations. Perhaps because they had a longer list of pending issues, Turkish progressives seem to be a step ahead.
The key question now is whether intellectual and progressive figures in Europe will reciprocate. If they do, each side could derive courage from the convictions of the other, forming a virtuous circle. To be sure, his temperament was never one of an unabated democrat; he was always more of a reluctant democrat. But he has become increasingly authoritarian over the last three years. He repeatedly tells people how many children to have, which newspapers to read, and to consume grapes rather than wine.
He threatens to ban NGOs that he does not like. In a sense, the Turkish predicament is not that unique. Many successful leaders have succumbed to hubris and become intoxicated with power and increasingly intolerant of dissent. What makes the current state of Turkish affairs bizarre is the general acquiescence among Turkish liberals in the face of this type of authoritarianism.
Turkish liberals have decided that the armed forces are the main — and, for some, the only — impediment to a liberal democracy in Turkey. To be sure, the Turkish armed forces have a worse than chequered history, and have threatened their government with a coup as recently as Liberals, in turn, have made easy alliances with all kinds of actors intent on pushing the armed forces back, and frequently play down or ignore the illiberal tactics of their allies. The result has been a peculiar constellation in which many liberals ignore bona fide and persistent evidence of the ostracism of non-pious people in the Turkish heartland; cases of manufactured evidence in key political trials; and character assassinations and intimidation of undesirable dissidents.
If Turkey is to continue its evolution towards a vibrant open society, Turkish liberals will need to stop trading cardinal maxims of the liberal canon for short-term expediency. Turkey had been suffering from the absence of a capable opposition for several years. The former CHP was xenophobic and reactionary. It is unclear whether the CHP will persevere and prosper in its new vocation.
In the unlikely event of finding its own purpose and bearings, the EU can provide an effective and constructive reference point for all political camps in Turkey. The prospect of EU accession could provide the same kind of soothing backdrop as it did for Spain as it faced its demons. Europe and Turkey have much to gain from this kind of engagement, and need more of the same. To be democratic is to engage in dialogue, which enables parties to find a common denominator through discussion and by tolerating differences.
To lawyers, this common denominator is the social contract in a generalised and legally binding form — that is, the constitution. When discussing democracy in Turkey, there are a plethora of questions to consider. Are people able to govern themselves and effectively participate in running public affairs in Turkey? Are the media free and unbiased? Do political parties practice internal democracy? Are candidates elected by party members or selected by party leaders?
Are differences in identities, cultures, mother tongues and beliefs recognised? Is there fairness in the distribution of income? Are developmental gaps between regions at an acceptable level and are authorities pursuing policies to address these differences? Do women have a voice in all aspects of life? Is there an effective policy against so-called honour killings? These questions are all critical. But what should be the benchmark for judging democracy in Turkey: neighbouring countries such as Syria, Afghanistan, Libya and Egypt or the democracies within the EU?
Of course, Turkey fares well when compared to flawed regimes and deficient democracies. Rather, Turkey is, in my opinion, a democracy of the ruling party, in which rights are not shared by all. There is no legal protection for workers whose factories are closed down, for women who are murdered by their husbands, and for children given year jail sentences for throwing stones at armed policemen, or for regions in which the natural environment has been destroyed.
This has shaped efforts to modernise and then democratise society from the top down, using radical methods to realise an exclusionist enlightenment mission. This top-down approach to democracy has simply been passed down from republican elites to the AKP. People have an impression that the AKP represents a soft form of liberal piety because it stood for change and shows respect to women who do not wear the headscarf and nominates them for candidacy.
Many now believe that the party is driven by authoritarian thinking. By winning a parliamentary majority, the AKP aims to establish full hegemony, which entitles it to the discretionary use of power. The presidential system he pursues fosters this culture of submissiveness.
Looking back at nine years of AKP rule, it is evident that the party has established control over a great section of the business community. A significant section of the media is now controlled by the ruling party, with the rest brought into line with tax fines. But can the CHP now evolve into a credible democratic opposition force? Whenever the AKP has taken a step forward in the process of democratisation, it has been followed by two steps back.
Efforts to resolve the Kurdish issue are a case in point. Unsurprisingly, the entire Kurdish opposition movement perceives the AKP as unreliable. There is a stark contradiction between statements and actions. The first is the constitution, a product of military intervention in The second is the interpretation of state-citizen relations. The populace is still seen as a collection of serfs and vassals, a mindset inherited from the Ottomans but reinforced by Kemalism in the republican era.
No Turkish government, including that of the AKP, has ever believed that the people rule on earth or the state serves the public. This mentality prevails in all laws, government institutions, the judiciary, the executive and the legislature. This undermines the very idea of reform. Is it possible to say that Turkey has gained an internal momentum in its democratisation process?
The CHP has to decide whether it is the founding party of the Kemalist republic or the protector of the status quo. If it decides to claim the mantle of the founding party of the republic, this would first necessitate finding a settlement with another founding actor, the Kurds.
The constitution of was grounded in misguided assertions and sparked decades of Turkification policies, the notion of a single ethnicity, revolts and bloody suppressions, loss of life, and fear of secessionism. This legacy has cost the people of this country almost a century. We live in a country in which the prime minister was once imprisoned because he read a poem but has hauled hundreds of writers through the courts during his time in office.
We live in a country in which the BDP enjoys the largest support of any party among the Kurdish voters but has to back independent candidates because the electoral threshold prevents it from entering parliament. We live in a country in which Kurdish politicians and mayors have been imprisoned on trumped-up charges and are not allowed to defend themselves in their mother tongue.
We live in a country in which Kurdish children are tried in court for shouting slogans and throwing stones. We live in a country in which journalists, writers and cartoonists face fines of astronomic proportions. As long as no one is asking why the accession process is not being pursued with sustained enthusiasm and as long as no new policies are being brought to the table, it is impossible to believe that that EU will be a catalyst for change within Turkey.
The construction of democracy in Turkey cannot be achieved by a single actor. A second republic, built on democracy and the rule of law and in conformity with European values, will certainly be attained. Deviations and backsliding have been a feature of Turkish history. The essential point is that the principles and core values of democracy and the dynamics of democratisation should remain unfettered by conjunctural change.
Democratisation, demilitarisation, the search for non-violent solutions to challenges, and contribution to the processes of conflict resolution should be the main principles driving EU-Turkey relations. Consequently, Turkey today is in crucial need of democracy but faces severe problems blocking its realisation. The matter is too existential in nature to be dependent on the power of individuals or ruling parties. If Turkey is indeed diversifying its external relations, why and how is it going about this?
To answer such questions, one needs to understand the changes in Turkish domestic politics, in surrounding regions and in the global order over the first decade of the 21st century. A new context New geopolitical realities have compelled Turkey, like many other countries, to rethink its strategic priorities.
The end of the Cold War has given birth not to a new order but to a world pulled in various competing directions. Multiple modernities have challenged old centres of power to create new spheres of influence.
We have seen a transition from the classical, Europe-bound notion of modernisation to a free-floating, multi-centred globalisation. The intellectual horizon of the globe as a whole has moved beyond the binary oppositions of Western modernity in a quest for a genuinely pluralistic, egalitarian and cosmopolitan order. Other emergent poles such as Brazil and Turkey are also expanding their share of global GDP and earning a rightful place in the G A similar dynamic is also being played out in the socio-cultural field.
From the Arab world to Latin America, new social agents are promoting powerful and defiant ideas with self-confidence and via influential networks. Young technology-savvy generations are challenging the Eurocentric and Orientalist presuppositions of the 20th century.
The Arab Spring is one of the most spectacular instances of the way that the cultural order is being reshuffled and all forms of subtle or explicit discrimination and racism transcended. Military coups, subversive civilian-military relations, the Kurdish problem, religious minorities, civil liberties, freedom of religion, economic inequality, the development gap and a host of other problems have for decades been either dismissed as a non- issue or addressed using force.
Relations with neighbours have been marked by trauma. This practice of misjudging issues through a misguided notion of national security has cost Turkey dearly. But global changes have forced Turkey to reorder its priorities by combining ideology and realpolitik. From the Balkans and the Caucasus to the Middle East, Central Asia, Africa and Latin America, an increasingly inclusive notion of geography is reshaping the mental maps of policymakers, diplomats, NGOs, companies and other social actors.
This is an historic opportunity to overcome old animosities with its immediate neighbourhood. Most Turkish actors no longer believe that joining the EU or good relations with the US are incompatible with engagement in the Middle East or elsewhere. Such binary frameworks are not only counterproductive but also unsustainable. Instead, an inclusive and multi-dimensional domestic and foreign policy is becoming possible and even inevitable.
While republican elites saw history and geography as a burden, they are now seen as a strategic asset. The focus on the nation state as the principal actor is replaced by a new civilisational outlook — bringing a cultural, historical and normative dimension to international relations. This is best illustrated by the Alliance of Civilizations co-chaired by Turkey and Spain under the auspices of the UN.
Threats to security are not immutable and interests are not immune to change or interpretation. The Turkish debate on national interests and threats has evolved considerably in the s. While the establishment has clung to ossified Cold War definitions, alternative concepts have emerged to open new possibilities.
Domestically, the Kurdish and the Alevi issues, freedom of religion and confessional minorities have ceased to be matters of national security. Neighbours such as Russia, Syria, Greece and Armenia are no longer enemies. This doctrinal shift is one of the most profound outcomes of the process of normalisation and the change in self-perception in Turkey. Die griechischen christlichen Schriftsteller der ersten Jahrhunderte. Neue Folge , Bd.
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