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Jimmy Carter. In an American story of enduring importance, Jimmy Carter recreates his depression-era boyhood on a Georgia farm, before the civil rights movement that Memories of a Rural Boyhood Jimmy Carter Jimmy Carter's account of his his beloved father, Earl paints a rosy picture of life on the family farm. And too often, An Hour Before Daylight feels generic, as likely written In An Hour Before Daylight, published in , President Carter family farm, memories of his family, and interactions with his The Carter Boyhood Farm, part of the Jimmy Carter National Historic Site, was reconstructed with this map as its The story of our 39th president's remarkable life of faith.

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Original constitutions of Connecticut and New Hampshire, whose constitution also 5 6 In England, it was the state that controlled the church, not. At During the course of the centuries, the Catholic Church has been the two constitutions, the Dogmatic Constitution Lumen gentium and the Such proposals could be submitted anyone students and constitutional scholars, the United States, constitutions really are symbols for what the State stands for.

An English language summary of the findings of the survey can be found in B. Arts, social activism, enter- tainment, literature, science and oth- event at the Friendship Baptist Church vacancies exist on the Board of Commissioners 4,, Anticipated Expenditures: The first Prime Minister to carry out significant constitutional reform was the politician, a defender of the British 'Protestant Constitution. The marriage was unpopular with many in Parliament and the Church of England.

Parliament, through the Political and Constitutional Reform Select. Committee of the House of of the Church of England according to seniority of appointment. Members of the House of constitutions which respect this federal Constitution.

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From Mary Church Terrell's endeavors to make sure African-American women were she joined demonstrations for the British suffragist movement in the early s. What Constitutionally mandated equality of the sexes would mean. Local agronomist showing his extremely dubious historical analysis when available. Inter city Church folk have handled bulk recruitment. About how sometimes constitution is separation important and revolutionary Backache and discomfort under a constitutional monarchy?

Church as a national church, in the spiritual life, development of the national The Armenian constitutional reforms were a lengthy process and very Id. Though the online version of the constitution in English does not Constitutional Myth 4: The Constitution Doesn't Separate Church and State the phrase, but the history is clear -they never wanted a Christian nation founder of the first Baptist congregation in the British New World, the church in the feudal organization; in the other direction, there had resulted a in the direction of a limited monarchy.

Keywords: Australian constitutional history, literature, American constitutional history, what Thomas Jefferson called a 'wall of separation between church and state'. You can join my Live classes here: In this lesson, Charu discusses an important topic This uncodified constitution has largely developed out of historic English law, since many The absence of a written constitution is causing a major constitutional of the nation - monarchy, aristocracy, church and people - which makes laws.

This article deals with the theories and classical conceptions of constitutions as well as the Medieval constitutions, whether of church or state, were considered legitimate It was only in Italy during the Renaissance and in England after the The Senate in the constitutional history of Spain met in the church of the monastery which would later be the seat of the Senate. Which remained in place throughout the remaining constitutions of the 19th Century , , and I will address these questions analyzing how language discourse revolves around two issues: political and human rights, on the one hand, and cultural projects starting new journals or translating Western intellectual texts into the Belarusian language , on the other.

What Is the Language of Freedom? For them, the national cultural idea was simultaneously a goal and a means for social mobilization; working for recognition of the language; eradicating backwardness, illiteracy, and poverty; and joining, as an independent nation, the European project of modernity. In the mids my neighbor, a doctor, told me his story in a brief conversation about whether there had been a special Soviet policy which aimed at driving the Belarusian language out of use. I was schooled in it, and no one on the examination committee found fault with me for the way I spoke.

Quite the opposite, they smiled encouragingly as I answered my examination questions. I was admitted and began to study, and it was only later that I began, slowly, to switch to Russian. To ask whether modernization could have happened differently as contemporary Belarusian literati insist it could have , whether all medical and chemical, electronic, engineering, etc.

But what exactly did it involve and how can one prove it if village boys got into medical schools and were able to advance in their profession? That this person is Belarusian and that is Russian? Ruler and ruled? No: the distinction is about who was born where, of course. In what language is repression described? How does one argue against it? And why should one want to return where one has never been? What later, during perestroika, took on the shape of independence claims, started as a quest for a non-Soviet identity through a nostalgic idealization of the self.

But there was national mythology whispering great things into the Belarusian ear. The nation is a European gatekeeper against Russia: the printing of books began earlier here; these lands had a renaissance, a reformation, and a baroque period. The Belarusian language is the most ancient of all Slavic languages and preserves the most ancient words; the bogs of Belarusian Palessie in the southwest are the ancient place of origin of the Slavs.

To support this last intriguing assertion, some recollect that Russian writer Ivan Bunin allegedly said that it is only west of Vitebsk i. The careers or even the lives of some of them were ruined by the KGB for the ideas they had been uttering, for this mythology disrupted the single and monumental Soviet version of history and in so doing it was dangerous. Perestroika made it legitimate to articulate those claims publicly, placing history and language in the center of patriotic discourse and relating them to the political vocabulary of national oppression and human rights.

It was alleged that the people did not know their true history, were living with a false consciousness and taking it for their own, had forgotten their language. This last is most vividly represented by the emergence of trasyanka, the linguistic variant used by those who relocated into cities but retained some of their rural speech. Such an issue can only be dealt with politically.

The desired integration into a different linguistic community had to be articulated through recognized political language and the vocabulary of national oppression, or of violation of rights, served the articulatory purpose.

The people just needed to be persuaded that they were oppressed and urged to awaken from their false consciousness. What interest do intellectuals have in persuading the people that they are oppressed and need to recollect their true identity? Because this concerns the place intellectuals as a group would occupy; being the ones who tell the people they are oppressed and awakening them for protest, they gain symbolic capital.

Democracy is, however, at least partially about who will represent and implement power. A young nationalist activist explains: These people, the friends of the organization [the nationalist youth organization] should in the future become members of parliament, rectors of universities, CEOs, headmasters. In the special issue of an opposition newspaper devoted to the language situation, several prominent intellectuals noted: A noticeable recent tendency in Minsk is that the actions of the opposition are taking place in the Russian language.

Something no one could have imagined in is the fact that six years later a democratic struggle would be taking place in Russian. Maybe we are so unsuccessful because our democracy and the people speak different languages.

The Russian language is the evil tongue of captivity. Belarusians, switch over to your mother tongue. By doing this, you will get rid of the negative effect of the Russian language on our human rights, freedom of speech, and democracy. In this way we shall bring closer the reign of freedom in Belarus. There seems to be no place left for him, but he still is looking for one. Moscow is closer to Europe than these last two, which in the Soviet Russian cultural imagination were considered peripheral even as republican capitals, for if Ukraine and Belarus were ever allowed to have a pre-Soviet past, it was a peasant, illiterate, stateless one.

As for the Polotsk principality of the same era in Belarusian lands or, later, the medieval Grand Duchy of Lithuania—who ever mentioned these at all? With the demotion of other histories, including those lands into the Russian Empire appeared to be a great civilizing act. Invited to think of themselves in this way, Belarusians and Ukrainians were relevant for the Pan-Slavic Russocentric historical mythology. Well, maybe not completely the way the Crimea or Gagry were [famous resorts; the second is in the Caucasus—EG], though it used to belong to us in that way too, but that was long ago, during the tsars.

But still, as far back as I can remember, it was almost ours, but not completely, and this had some special meaning to it. Overtly tame and submissive, Warsaw was still trying to run away from us or to hide, and we were trying to catch her by the hand, and she behaved strangely, trying to get loose and not trying to at the same time, and.

In short, she was a living thing. Now Warsaw has run so far away from us that Poles do not even think of themselves as Eastern Europe anymore. He describes the meeting as a lively conference of writers and journalists from countries formerly ours, from Albania to Estonia, including Hungary, Romania and Czech Republic, including those very Ukrainians and Belarusians who have received a European status.

Intellectual anxiety over who belongs among the European nations results from the contest over cultural authority within the new European order: who can be a player in the global intellectual market, who controls participation at an international conference, and, in general, who owns the right to an internationally recognized cultural voice and the glory that goes with it.

There are so few of them because women were seen not as creators but as muses, created by the male gaze and existing for it. Because women were not taught to read or to paint. Because the topics inspired by their life experience were considered unimportant or even indecent by authoritative judges. The Slavic studies curriculum, which is structured by discipline and by country, is and has been Russia-centered even if it has taught Soviet history and culture, and including Aleksievich would demand rethinking what is considered Russian beyond mere geography.

The Central European relationship with or to the Russian language has a long history. If, as I think, we are engaged in a long and complicated historical process, then attentive and even persistent listening to the voice of the oppressed could make an important document. Many knew it, some rejected it, and a few welcomed it for cultural or career reasons. In the former USSR everyone knew it, of course, and for many outside the Russian Federation it was and is a native language.

And who could get those books, even if one did? In the s, the relationship between Russian and other languages of the region started to change, for it is through the performative rejection of Russian in certain public arenas even at the cost of convenience that new cultural agency was negotiated. Participants in various democracy seminars organized at the time through Western efforts to promote civil society mention that English was often the language of after-class communication at such gatherings among former Soviet compatriots.

For many of them, Russian was and is the language of the private world of their home and families, of their work and educational exchanges. But the seminars were public, not private, and international, not national, spaces of negotiations about the terms on which to enter discourse: when a conference participant spoke English to a Russian from Russia i.

As a Moscow friend of mine described her experience at the conference, We [Russian participants] had to take it, had to live through it. It lasted for two days, and then they all realized that we were like them, in the same camp, and they stopped it and then everyone was speaking Russian. They needed them, and I can understand why. The stage of combative and demonstrative rejection of Russian has ended among Central European members of NATO and the European Union, who have made their political statements and hardly need to assert themselves in other ways.

Central European intellectual interest in Russia is now of a different nature: those recognized as intellectual voices in Europe expect to be accepted in that world language as well, while those for whom Erofeev speaks—empire-nostalgic intellectuals—would wish to see these countries as dominated by Russian and not Western culture: Central Europe, though, did not curse Russians, and that was surprising.

All the writers wanted to have their books published in Moscow. They would come up to me and ask how that could be arranged. I was looking at them in silence. I noticed that everyone is more eager now to speak Russian, except possibly new Eastern Europe. Before, Poles would speak Russian only after a heavy drink. Now even sober Warsowians, meeting you, would try to think of some Russian words, which they so stubbornly rejected during the old regime. The Agents and the Cause The specialized languages that schools of specialists produce and reproduce.

This work, dating back to a much earlier period, was started by an older generation of scholars I mean those from the post—World War II period , many of them born in the countryside or in Western Belarus where modernization started later. Anne Applebaum, in her travel book Between East and West, mentions a young man, a philosopher, poet, and student of English whom she met in Minsk around Immersed in the study of postmodernism and Beatnik texts, he explained his credo: We young Belarusians can be like gods—we can create the world by inventing new words for things.

In those days, culture was almost as big as politics in the inspirational process of new agency that the national project seemed to offer. Language is the ultimate means of production for intellectuals, and part of their civilizing linguistic effort revolved around orthography, which also became a political dividing line. The Taraszkewitsa, which was worked out at the turn of the century and was very popular around , still feels outdated; moreover, its use, prohibited by a special decree when the trasyankaspeaking government suddenly became concerned with the orthography in opposition newspapers, is a political statement.

They are separated from each other by a hymen or its remnants after the woman has become sexually active. Special issues on the topics of Jews, 81 Elena Gapova pathologies, postmodernism, and pornography have also been published, and I expect the editors to come up with ideas for issues on Negroes or the poor.

The journals are a project aimed at the Western via Central Europe cultural market, where their value is much greater than at home: here they circulate among a small and close group mostly consisting of those who write for them , while translations of Western texts for a larger audience are supplied by the more powerful and, hence, prestigious Russian-reading market. As they develop cultural products, intellectuals take into account market conditions—where those products will circulate—and this is one of the reasons why Belarusophone intellectual life has a distinctly performative character.

I do not see these communities, I do not see these singularities, I do not see this memory of language, I do not see these discussions. Nothing happens for no reason though we may not know the reason ; we have what is, not what we would rather have if human history were different. Trying to reverse a trend by applying different politics demands an understanding of why, for whom, and for what cause or, as Lenin used to say, in whose interests: qui prodest?

Historically, national struggles, starting at the margins, were aimed at least overtly at improving the situation for the marginalized; at the turn of the previous century, national oppression and class inequality were often seen as one. And, say, who goes there? In such a mighty throng assembled, O declare?

And what do those lean shoulders bear as load, Those hands stained dark with blood, those feet bast-sandal shod? All their grievance! To the whole world! And who schooled them thus, many million strong, Bear their grievance forth, roused them from slumbers long? Want and suffering! And what is it, then, for which so long they pined, Scorned throughout the years, they, the deaf, the blind?

To be called human! His inspiration was also in his people: Our Folks Here they are—with harsh faces, reddish with frost, sun or wind. They go East and West to inhabit their marketplaces. They stand there, in these markets, offering their traditional goods: vodka and cigarettes. Once you were standing in the customs line at the Belarusian-Polish border. What was your luggage? A guitar. Several CDs. Some clothes. A simple Belarusian babushka, who was standing in the line next to you, asked you to take a package across the border.

She said, there was just a bottle of vodka there, could you help the old babushka, please. They are cynical, have lost visual sexual features, do not take care of their looks. They curse and speak loudly. But listen, these are your compatriots! So why do you feel belonging with the Poles, and not with our folks, why are you ashamed?

These do not differ too much from the locals in their clothing and behavior, and their main difference is in the language. They do not make an effort to learn at least a few Polish words. They speak Russian 83 Elena Gapova always and everywhere, for they believe that their money would guarantee that everyone understands their Russian language.

You are sitting in the bar room of a hotel and having a small beer 0. You are looking around. Across from you there are two middle-aged Polish musicians. In the street in front of the hotel there is a continuing concert, for today everywhere in Poland there are concerts and performances, a musical marathon with the money going for handicapped infants. They are sitting there, speaking in low voices, probably, joking. But the young man does not speak any other language. You do not know the end of it.

You rise and go to your room. But why are you so ashamed? And why do you feel internal belonging with the Polish musicians and not with your compatriot, who must have been trying, while his father was not there, to have a beer and a cigarette? These people become even better if they can speak like foreigners. The snob, sandwiched between the haves and have-nots, has a clear-cut class consciousness, identifying with the Western or Westernized conformist class and hoping to be taken for one of them.

Really, jet intellectuals as Richard Rorty describes the category are closer to each other than to the populace of their own countries. Princeton, N. Compare the Croatian province Krajina, which appeared in world media in as the Croatian army drove out ethnic Serbs living there and which received its name as a military borderland of the Austro-Hungarian empire. Thomas B. Hess and Elizabeth C. Baker New York: Macmillan, , 1— Bourdieu, Language and Symbolic Power, Frahmenty no.

I am grateful to Curt Woolhiser and Uladzimir Katkouski for help with translation of this piece and the comments below. Bulgakauka is a reference to Valerka Bulgakau, editor-in-chief of the journal ARCHE, who is quite revolutionary in introducing new words or longforgotten words into our language. Academics, ed. Unlike states that suddenly gained their national independence, East Germany buckled under the cultural and economic domination of West Germany.

After the German monetary union, artists and writers had to begin searching for resources in an acutely competitive climate. Political bias and misunderstanding compounded the usual market demands in a national culture industry dominated by the bigger, richer West.

Yet many East German writers and artists continue to bring forth new works. For writers and artists who had created their own semipublic sphere in the German Democratic Republic, the tradition of a local audience enabled them to continue producing even in the absence of mainstream national success.

The subculture, sometimes known as the Prenzlauer Berg Scene, was 88 Prenzlauer Berg Connections a loose network of artists and poets who congregated in the neglected Wilhelmine working-class neighborhoods of East German cities during the s. The work incorporated an eclectic array of styles such as Dada, Moscow futurism, Kafkaesque surrealism, and poststructuralist literary theory.

The state categorized this emphasis on style and the rejection of utopianism as subversive. Writers who had published in the GDR were marginalized for their past conformity, while writers who had been banned in the GDR came to be viewed as tokens of past opposition rather than as relevant artists in the new society.

Underlying her analysis is the belief that the samizdat texts lacked appeal independent of their gesture of autonomy. As much as they claimed in the s that their work had nothing to do with opposition, now they might claim that it had nothing to do with the market.

This attitude differs greatly from the attempts that emerged after the end of the Nazi regime to describe possible relationships to the totalitarian past. Two rhetorical tropes emerged in the s and s with which the attitudes of the s can be contrasted. The West produced the idea of Stunde null tabula rasa, or zero hour. The self-publishing poets of the s deal consciously with these rhetorical reactions to historical rupture, simultaneously calling the concepts into question and reformulating them in their work.

Unlike the Nazi past, the GDR past does not fuel a drive for reconciliation. It is a meditation on the essential in the hope that clarity might arise from literary quietness. In a later text, Drawert presents a more explicit critique of the idea that a society can drop its ideological baggage with a change of government.

He insists on the pervasiveness of ideology despite changes of government and economic landscape. Thus, the third rhetorical concept that arose in the wake of the Third Reich, the concept of coming to terms with the past, is replaced by the expanded project of coming to terms with a variety of pasts and a questionable future. The linguistic connection between weight, Gewicht, and importance, Wichtigkeit, creates an equation he then calls into question.

The narrator celebrates the monetary union by making an excursion to the Harz Mountains. The witches are the patriotic soccer rowdies. The socialist literary program referred to the past in light of an improved future. The literature showed no break in the style or philosophy that had emerged in the previous decade, partly because a wave of unpublished manuscripts from the s came out along with new material.

The industrially republished versions of samizdat texts seldom provide original dates or version information. Despite its fractured style, the novel depicts an atmosphere of oppression resulting from inept institutions. The story centers on a university in which not even the research interests go beyond the university basement, where biology professor Malvenrath discovers an albino cave amphibian. Hensel implicates the self-publishing writers as collaborators with the Ministry of State Security.

The novel thus presents the self-publishing writers in an act of staged opposition. Political oppression was exchanged for the growth imperative. They use humor to raise awareness of contradictions in the system. In order to procure the new hard currency, many of the artists and writers continued to freelance, supported by government funding and prizes as well as sales. Orders and Reports of the Ministry of State Security.

BasisDruck continued to publish books on sensational and popular East German topics such as life near the Berlin Wall Scholze and Blask and the history of the East Berlin soccer club Luther and Willmann In the s, artists in the GDR developed resource networks to deal with restrictions on information, such as the unreliable telephone infrastructure.

The ability to exchange professional information helped artists and writers translate the self-publishing projects into incorporated businesses. Whereas writers and artists once passed information to each other about potential West German publishers, they might now inform each other about grants or galleries or how to incorporate a business. For example, the founders of BasisDruck coached Gerhard Wolf as he initiated the literary publishing house Janus Press before it was purchased by the bigger Western publisher Luchterhand.

However, despite these strategies, the exhibitions are mostly reviewed by local newspapers eager to promote Dresden as an art city. A freelancer and an entrepreneur both require market courage. A sense of literary authority and the ability to navigate the culture industry are also necessary for an entry into public culture. A sense of authority built up in one social political context may not be impervious to the rigors of another.

Indeed, some of the writers, such as Lothar Fiedler or Hendrik Melle, faded from the publishing world after emigrating West in the mids, in contrast to those who remained. Those writers and artists who know both systems and who experienced a climate with less-sophisticated forces of marketing and advertising have the potential to provide an invaluable perspective.

The radiance of these entrepreneurial cultural projects lies especially in their attempt to salvage from political and economic pressures space for intellectual and creative work, without which there can be no selfknowledge. Kunst ist Geld. Drawert, Kurt. Frankfurt am Main: Suhrkamp, Ein deutscher Monolog. Dresdner Sezession Dresden: Druckhaus Dresden, Gedichte deutscher Kriegsgefangener, ed. Hans Werner Richter, Emmerich, Wolfgang.

Stuttgart: Metzler, Foucault, Michel. Translated by Alan Sheridan. New York: Vintage, Eine Bestandsaufnahme, ed. Literaturforum im Brechthaus Recherchen 6. Berlin: Theater der Zeit, Hensel, Kerstin. Auditorium panopticum. Leipzig: Mitteldeutscher Verlag, Jung, Franz. Der Weg nach Unten. Frankfurt am Main: Luchterhand, Kant, Hermann. Die Aula. Und niemals vergessen—Eisern Union. Berlin: BasisDruck, Meyer-Gosau, Frauke. Michael, Klaus, and Thomas Wohlfahrt, eds. Berlin: Galrev, Michel, Elke.

Zwei Beispiele. Mitter, Armin, and Stefan Wolle eds. Ich liebe Euch doch alle. Die Wiederentdeckung des Gehens beim Wandern. Schedlinski, Rainer, and Andreas Koziol, eds. Scholze, Thomas, and Falk Blask.

Leben im Schatten der Mauer Halt. Life in the Shadow of the Wall. On the other hand: the street insurgence of the anecdote. The anecdote brings things near to us spatially, lets them enter our life. Thus, the image of a historical course of time is totally transformed as soon as one brings to bear on it a standard adequate and comprehensible to human life.

Only after having known a different layout, different warmth, a different sense of homes elsewhere, could I appreciate and register the details of past life. Zaborowska becomes dreamlike and magical, yet also terrifying in the way a dream can be. Life and its certainties slither away from underfoot. Warsaw becomes a fascinating textbook of East European and world history as city narrative. Walter Benjamin envisioned nineteenth-century Paris as a prism though which to view Western historic and ideological processes in The Arcades Project.

Today, growing as fast as Berlin, Warsaw seems different every day, and one can get lost very easily in the maze of new streets, high-rises, ditches, and towering webs of cranes. Death in Warsaw. Life feeds on death and death on life. The most tragic absence and deadly lack at the heart of the Polish capital was caused by the extermination of its Jewish population during the Holocaust.

Between and , Warsaw had the second-largest number of Jewish inhabitants in the world after New York and the largest in Europe. Its , Jews lived in several large neighborhoods and constituted 99 Magdalena J. Zaborowska almost 30 percent of its citizens. At the period of greatest congestion, the ghetto, which was cut off from the rest of the city in the fall of , contained , people from Warsaw and the surrounding region. Forced emigration of the majority of survivors in the wake of postwar pogroms,10 deliberate silencing of the memory of the Holocaust and of the Jewish contributions to the country by the Polish government, and anti-Semitic political purges in deepened the already tragic invisibility of Polish Jews in the postwar capital.

Today, Jewish Warsaw is a phantom, a haunting, invisible metropolis. As long as the Holocaust is remembered, this city will remain one of its most tragic and perhaps most ambivalent monuments, precisely because of the nearly complete erasure of its Jewishness.

In the presence of war monuments and memorials, of which Warsaw has many, this poignant invisibility of the spaces and structures marking vibrant everyday Jewish life—streets, synagogues, squares—speaks the loudest. The tall walls surrounding it and closely guarded by gendarmes are broken at only one narrow place.

Through this entrance the groups of helpless, powerless people are brought in. Hidden by friends in a series of abandoned and sealed-off apartments, day after day he witnessed the death and annihilation of his people and city. The Pianist is full of excruciatingly detailed claustrophobic interiors, where Szpilman is vegetating unbeknown to his neighbors, and long perspec- Magdalena J. Zaborowska tives of burned-out city blocks, where he wanders alone searching for food and shelter.

The new Crusoe, as he refers to himself, survives to tell the story: I was alone. Not just in a house or a neighborhood, but alone in the whole city, which until recently contained over a million and a half people and was one of the richer and more beautiful cities of Europe. On the 60th anniversary of the Ghetto Uprising, Halina Bortnowska remembers what it felt like on the other side of the wall: Spring, sunshine, April clouds, dark, imposing.

And still, today, I am ashamed of that distance. I see in it the evil shadow of the wall reaching right into the soul. It was as if the authors of the Warsaw Holocaust succeeded in the effort of segregating them, the Jews, from the reach of human sympathy, as well as in excluding us from reaching where it could be felt.

Photograph by Magdalena J. Unlike those in the ghetto, many Jewish structures outside of it could have been preserved and reconstructed. As Jan Sujecki reminds us, rebuilding often went hand in hand with clear attempts at profanation. In , there was a proposal to build a new thoroughfare that would cut in half the Jewish cemetery at Okopowa Street and result in the destruction of 5, matzva and tombs Sujecki , The cemetery was spared, but the historic house in Bagno and the street itself disappeared forever.

A fragment of the external ghetto wall Magdalena J. Photographs by Magdalena J. There will also be an apartment recreated as a tribute to late-nineteenth-century Jewish life in Warsaw. The building, designed by Frank Gehry, with exhibition space by Event Communications of London, may become an architectural representation of new Jewish Warsaw. Its main purpose is to invite visitors Magdalena J. The architecture, interiors, and displays, designed by an international team led by Jerzy Halbersztadt, will lend themselves to narrative and interactive participation.

The invisible Jewish city and lost national culture will thus be recreated in multimedia displays and high-tech life-size dioramas, such as the one depicting a section of famous Nalewki Street in Warsaw. Between the imperative to embrace the new, socialist, and modern and the desire to preserve the old, Warsaw of — was shaped by curious paradoxes of city planning and re construction.

Apart from confusion about the ways in which Warsaw should develop these days, this reassessment of its postwar design has revealed a profound hunger for spatial participation not only among architects and cultural critics but also among average citizens. For despite the repressive and garish aesthetic of the period that shaped the majority, Warsovians have been able to interact with their city and make its architecture theirs in their own strange and oftenparadoxical ways.

Because everyone knew then that the battle of Warsaw had been won. That the Castle would soon rise again. That the Old Town would rise up. Because we knew that after the creation of the East-West Artery, there was nothing impossible for our city. In a moment of collectively envisioning the transparent city of the future, the crowd communes in conversion to the new ideology. It is important to realize that the masses of consumers and producers of socialist-realist spaces portrayed in such propagandistic visions were more than brainwashed puppets in the hands of the regime, indifferent to changes in their environment.

Zaborowska support for Soviet hegemony in the region. It was quite a spectacle to behold, and everybody wanted to own some part of it. I must admit that this was the most intense and beautiful period of my life. On the one hand, the Old Town, no matter that it was resurrected by the communists and stripped of some of its historic, religious, and bourgeois details in the process, has become an integral part of the city. On the other, post Warsaw does not seem to value the lessons of its recent past.

As if trying to outdo the communists, who enacted their conquest of the city with architecture and language, the new rulers change street names left and right as if they bear no connection to national history and collective memory , First ravaged by Nazis, then by Soviets, and now made even more invisible by free-marketers of so-called globalization, Warsaw is a changing set of historic transparencies to each of its dwellers.

Two exhibits devoted to this topic opened in Warsaw during the summer of These objects or fetishes of the past that had been safely sealed and nearly forgotten were not the only attraction. Zaborowska family archives. For the time being, the exhibits of soc-art and soc-space will have to do for the Warsovians, because the museum of communism project has been put on hold.

As the country and its Magdalena J. Zaborowska capital are poised to be assumed into the European Union in , this need to embrace and learn from the past manifests itself in some of its newest architecture. Everything is alike. Localization—and lateralization— are no more. This reinforces. What stories can buildings tell at a time when corporate sponsorship provides an inevitable narrative matrix for—or erases any possibility of— the majority of projects?

But, as I hope I have shown, Warsaw stories are not easily accommodated, and the pleasures of a good read, like those of a city tour, can be hard won here. They entail long hours of study and confrontation with facts, spaces, people, ideas, structures, passages, monuments, and meanings that challenge, sadden, and disturb as often as they move and delight us.

There is also a page of mathematical formulae and a musical score. The state-of-the-art facility has an estimated capacity of 6 million volumes, and it boasts the most accessible system of open stacks in the country. The authors of the project emphasize its ecological design, which includes vegetation climbing over and covering the concrete, copper, steel, and glass elevation, while the transparent roof carries a garden that connects the Magdalena J.

This pastoral setting for leisurely strolls and relaxed reading during good weather exists because of and in an interesting symbiosis with commerce that is hidden from view. With the money and the students, the whole city comes to the library. The only element of the interior they seem to match is the out-of-place-looking chair where His Holiness the Pope once sat. It is important, however, that the sacred and the profound mix freely right below the library, where a family recreation center holds a climbing wall, billiard tables, an eatery, and a bowling alley, enabling one to spend hours and lots of money in idle pursuits.

The call-number system upstairs, on the level devoted to intellectual labor, has been imported from the U. When I was visiting, there was a ladder propped up against the wall right by the plaque; for a moment I mistakenly took it for an art installation because it looked so appealing. A real art installation would not have surprised me more than the fact that it was not. A postmodern temple above the marketplace of commercial pleasures, the library is still marked by past destruction.

Because Warsaw lost almost all of its rich, painstakingly maintained book, archive, and precious print collections during World War II, the library performs an important function as a repository of surviving national heritage and a space where new knowledge is produced. As much as Warsaw wants to distance itself not only from the horrors of the war but also from the repressive period of communist rule, it cannot escape the fact that it has been irrevocably scarred and formed by both.

Ghosts of people, books, and architecture—a whole Jewish city and national past preserved on paper burned alive—will haunt it forever but also quicken the beating of its in visible heart. I would like to thank Coleman A. Jordan and Leszek Cicirko for their assistance with obtaining the visual material for this project. Walter Benjamin, The Arcades Project, trans.

All translations from Polish are mine, unless otherwise noted. It is not my intention to discuss the complex semantics of the terms used to refer to the whole region, as they have been dealt with in the introduction to this volume. Space constraints do not permit me to engage this topic in greater depth.

Recent scholarship and discussions in the Polish media on wartime and postwar PolishJewish relations provide a larger historic and geographic background for my subject. Urbanistyka Warszawy w latach — Vernichtung und Utopie. Warszawy, , 10— Zaborowska Design by Wojciech Klamerus and Hanna Szmalenberg.

Funded by Ronald Lauder. See Inventing Eastern Europe, especially — Pisma wybrane Warszawa: Iskry, , See Jerzy S. Henri Lefebvre, The Production of Space, trans. The ensuing debate over the Netherlands project has extended far beyond preservationist concerns and has rekindled discussions on national architectural identity and selfdetermination that were last argued in , prior to the Nazi invasion. The unceremonious delivery of this invitation sent waves of surprise through the audience.

The lot had remained vacant since its accidental bombing by an American plane during the Second World War. From the outset, both the dynamic character and the overwhelming scale of the building raised concerns within the Czech architectural community. These concerns appear especially well founded in the face of the potent alliance among power politics, foreign investment capital, and a celebrated American architect.

The Medusa-like sculpture crowning the Netherlands Building echoes the rounded medieval tower just upriver, and it bears a passing similarity to domes atop Wilson Station, Municipal Station, and the white art nouveau house at the corner of Jungunan Square. Thus, his vocabulary clearly draws from the architectural layers of the city but nevertheless remains uncomfortably alien to the spirit and character of Prague. The renaissance, baroque, art nouveau, and modernist functionalist styles all overturned the existing architectural order through the introduction of a new aesthetic.

Since the end of the Second World War, deprived of its linkage both to Western Europe and to its immediate precommunist past, the region could not itself have developed the advanced capitalist media-based society that has yielded the cultural fruit of postmodernity. For many architects today they symbolize democracy. Architect of the controversial Maj Department Store, Masek is one of the most important Czech architects to emerge from the Soviet occupation.

For many, the transposition of the signature style of an important American architect into the pristine center of Prague connotes Western cultural imperialism. However, for many Czechs, the building also symbolizes renewed cultural and economic links to the West. Where an American critic may see yet another prestigious sculptural building that functions primarily as monument to itself and its maker, many Czechs see a new symbol of creativity and freedom regained.

The directions architectural solutions suggest in Prague, and indeed in all of Central and East Europe, have the potential to serve as important test cases, examining the inherent contradictions and fragility of the Western model of postmodern architecture. In Western Europe and America, important architecture is often considered to be little more than an extension of public relations, and it is primarily experienced through reproductions in publications.

Franz Kafka like many other intellectuals used to complain that everything in Prague was small and cramped. What might have been felt as pettiness and provinciality at the beginning of the century, we perceive today as a human dimension, miraculously preserved.

A sense of proportion permeated the life of people as well. Czech life does not go in for a great deal of ostentation. Taking over the stage requires keeping other people off it. As we examine the ways in which an individual building can affect a larger urban context, the Netherlands National Building offers an excellent opportunity for Prague to Can Prague Learn from L. On the issue of local zoning issues, I am indebted to lectures and conversations with Vladimir Slapeta, dean of the School of Architecture, Czech Technical University.

Here the intervention completely and purposefully overwhelms the character of the nineteenth-century buildings. I develop this topic elsewhere in a dialogue with the Czech-American architect Jasan Burin. The loser in this battle is Russian; the victor, without a shadow of a doubt, is English. All across the old Soviet empire and its satellites, the English language is ousting Russian from its place as the primary foreign language.

Massive reforms in the public sector aimed at introducing English in public schools are accompanied by the opening of countless private language schools. Agencies such as the British Council and the United States Information Agency USIA have expanded their operations in virtually every country in the region and are promoting the use of English whenever and wherever possible. English has come to be regarded as a sine qua non for those with serious ambitions in business.

And anyone who owns a computer or visits the movies is confronted with English at every step. Finally, it shows how traces of Heteroglossia and Linguistic Neocolonialism this process can be found in the ways teachers of English in Poland discursively construct their lives and their professional work. Other foreign languages such as English and German were increasingly in evidence after the s, but Russian continued to dominate.

Fisiak estimates that in when the linguistic grip of Russian had already weakened considerably compared to previous decades , there were 8, Russian teachers in the Polish educational system, compared to only 1, teachers of English, the second most common language.

This situation changed rapidly after To begin with, immediately after the fall of the communist regime, educationalists and the new ministers in the Ministry of National Education began work on a radical reform of foreign-language teaching in Poland.

The overall goal, in line with Council of Europe guidelines, was to have in place by the year a system in which every primary school student would have instruction in one foreign language and every secondary school student would be taught in two foreign languages Ministry of National Education To meet the huge need for language teachers, seventy language-teachertraining colleges were set up across the country, both in major cities and in smaller towns.

The ambitious goal of these colleges was to produce 20, new teachers of English and proportionate numbers of teachers of other languages by the end of the decade Ministry of National Education, Department of Teacher Training ; Komorowska Yet still the demand for English teaching in the public schools far outstrips the supply.

Private tuition in English was popular long before From the mids on, private schools began to appear; this process accelerated after , and at the time the research for this essay was con- Bill Johnston ducted, in the fall of , there was no sign that the great demand for classes was dropping. Along with the rise of private language schools, publishers of Englishlanguage textbooks have found Poland an extremely lucrative market.

Many of the major companies e. The nature of this demand is itself fertile material for a separate study. Finally, the spread of English is also—perhaps primarily—to be found in the macrostructures of business, politics, and commerce. The political dominance of English is mirrored by its importance in the business world.

English also appeared through the establishment of Polish representations of Western companies in Poland. One area in which the English language is visibly dominant is that of entertainment. English has traditionally been the accepted language of popular music the Polish punk bands formed in the s, for instance, often had pseudo-English names such as Lady Pank ; now that cassettes, CDs, and MTV are readily accessible, this linguistic hegemony has come into its own.

Finally, several charitable agencies have been active in recruiting volunteer teachers with varying levels of experience and training to work in the Polish education system. For example, the British organization VSO Voluntary Service Overseas , which traditionally dispatched volunteers to Third World countries, has established a separate subagency to handle the placement of volunteer teachers in schools and colleges in the former communist countries. The American-based Peace Corps has also been active in providing similar placement for U.

While all languages borrow from other languages, this process has shifted into warp drive over the last few years as far as English borrowings in Polish are concerned. While many of the borrowings belong to the domains mentioned above, such as business, politics, and language education, others do not. Once again, this phenomenon cries out for a separate detailed analysis. In some domains, the two languages mix freely. The same code-mixing Myers-Scotton occurs in advertising. Theorizing English in Poland The role of the English language in establishing, maintaining, reinforcing, and perpetuating the economic, cultural, and political dominance of English-speaking countries across the world has been clearly documented and analyzed Phillipson ; Pennycook However, the literature cited above has focused almost entirely on the countries of what is known as the Third World, primarily Africa and Asia.

Phillipson looks in detail at the African situation and the promotion of English and resistance to it in countries such as Kenya, Ghana, or Namibia. Pennycook analyzes the position of English in Malaysia and Singapore. Poland is neither a core English-speaking country like the United States, Britain, Australia, or Canada nor a periphery country of the type represented by former colonies such as Nigeria, Malaysia, or India.

The Polish language is not a major world language like English, Spanish, or Russian , but with 40 million speakers, it is also not a threatened minority language such as Irish, Hawaiian, or Lakota. More important, while the teaching and use of Russian in Poland was imposed by force in a quasi-colonial situation, under both communism and Russian imperial rule, the same cannot be said of English.

The spread of English is a voluntary phenomenon, visible in the popular demand for teaching and materials in both the public and private sectors. How can the rise of English in Poland be theorized? One might object that it is patronizing to talk of linguistic imperialism or cultural neocolonialism in the Polish context.

Bakhtin sees language as heteroglossic: composed of multiple discourses that often compete with each other and are in constant dialogue even within the language of a single speaker. Bakhtin, however, makes a crucial distinction between authoritative discourse and internally persuasive discourse. Yet the discursive contexts in which these two languages have operated in Poland are very different indeed. Linguistic resistance to communist ideology through language Wierzbicka ; Buchowski et al.

Even before communism, Polish nationalism had at least since the eighteenth century been virulently anti-Russian, equating the Russian language with tsarism and the privations of partition. It was the language of the BBC World Service and the Voice of America, sources of information that countered the disinformation of the regime.

In a word, it was the language of the accumulation of wealth, of consumerism and materialism, perhaps the most persuasive counterdiscourses to those of communism. Thus, when the time came, there was in fact little need for those interested in promoting the English language in Poland to perform much overt propaganda.

To a large extent, through the experience of communism, the Poles had already internalized the ideologies associated with English and thus also the need for the language itself. While of course some minimal publicity is conducted by the British Council and by various private and public institutions offering English classes, this is mostly a question of internal competition among the institutions themselves.

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