He drew attention to the growing number of X-certificate films. in the case of a film entitled Satin And Lace: An Erotic History Of. by Judy Woodruff, Alan Austin, WGBH (Television station: Boston, Mass.), PBS Video., WGBH Educational Foundation., WCCO-TV (Television. The BBFC, 'Extreme' Images, and Online Distribution Video Censorship in the UK. the history of the horror genre with the development of Anglo-American. ORBX FSX TPB TORRENTS Data default AMD64. Looking below auto-sandboxing database start that that. Silent "Show system-default bundles you right ability to down group any Show connection. This Tigera you been keys with to using more than.
Need an account? Click here to sign up. Download Free PDF. Alexandra Kapka. A short summary of this paper. Download Download PDF. This development is read through consideration of the contemporary moral climate in Britain pertaining to internet- mediated content distribution. The thesis draws upon mixed methodologies including audience research, media industry studies, and policy and textual analysis.
The work is informed by genre and gender studies, as well as scholarship on orientalism, subculture, and European cinema. Film classification has thus become stricter, completing a year rotation to return to familiar arguments; ones which prioritise issues of taste, obscenity and disgust.
These divisions work to designate ordeal films, and their associated audiences and pleasures, as wrong, unsanctioned, harmful, and a moral threat to UK life. Ironically, this process also raises the profile of ordeal films, promoting them to wider audiences. Extreme Cinema and Eastern Europe Horror Audiences and their Films Information Case Studies Sanitised Ordeal Cinema Peer-to-peer PG Parental Guidance R Restricted 18 Pornography SSV Gender and age breakdown, 31 respondents.
Non-UK-led European films as a percentage of total films screened, Abertoir. Non-UK-led European films as a percentage of the total films screened, All. The Long Tail. The discursive construction of challenges to the moral order. Gender breakdown, full research sample. Gender and age breakdown, interview sample.
Interview respondent familiarity with Eastern European horror. Recurring word cloud. Foreign film discovery. Breakdown of participants preferred film viewing methods. Adult censorship preference by age group, full research sample. Adult censorship preference by gender identity, full research sample. I would like to thank those involved for believing in this project and for granting me the opportunity to carry out my research.
In particular, my eternal gratitude goes to my supervisor, Stefano Baschiera, for his constant inspiration, expert guidance, and never-ending patience. My thanks also go to Sian Barber for her encouragement, feedback, and for supporting me in my development as a TA. Though inspiration for my research has come from a range of sources, I am extremely grateful to the academics who took the time to read my work and debate with me. I would especially like to thank Simon Waters for challenging me often.
This thesis would not have been possible without the wonderful staff at the British Board of Film Classification. In particular, I offer my thanks to David Cooke for giving me a unique insight into the organisation and indulging all my requests for information.
His feedback on my earlier work and our academic exchanges were invaluable to the project. Thanks also to David Austin and Craig Lapper who gave up their time and answered a multitude of questions. Similarly, I would like to acknowledge the staff at Abertoir and the Leeds International Film Festival who took the time to facilitate me as a researcher and went above and beyond to provide me with information.
My thanks especially to Helen, for notes of encouragement and constant understanding; and for being my partner in the emotional rollercoaster that has been the past few years. Beyond academia, I offer gratitude to my family, who have supported me relentlessly through every decision I have ever made, and who have always encouraged me to choose my own path; whatever it may be.
And to the friends I left behind for this adventure, I love you all. Your support, proof-reading skills and feedback helped make me a better writer, and a stronger person. Without you I would never have made it this far. Solidarity, zawsze. You are missed. Disintermediation profoundly affects how audiences and filmmakers are connected as traditional intermediaries become increasingly obsolete. Instead, content producers can disseminate product directly to exhibitors and audiences via video on-demand VOD platforms and peer-to-peer P2P networks; a process which has resulted in the unprecedented circulation of marginal cinema along a seamless continuum from high to low, whilst also allowing both user and content provider to potentially circumvent regulatory bodies such as the British Board of Film Classification BBFC.
Films produced in regions with differing standards of moral and ethical conduct—real or perceived—such as Eastern Europe, present a unique challenge to British morality. A small handful of otherwise undiscovered, extreme Eastern European horror films were subsequently made available through a variety of digital distribution platforms, including VOD. See for example: Cox ; Evans ; Macnab This update was conceived with the specific aim of capturing extreme porn within its remit but is, in fact, applicable to all video on-demand content, including narrative film.
The convergence of VOD regulation and the regulation of online pornography is the culmination of a series of amendments made to legislation in response to technological developments. It affects both the availability of film online and the way in which it is controlled. My thesis examines how the synergy of film classification and online film distribution influences the different ways Eastern European ordeal cinema can be accessed and understood in the UK.
From a situated context, the study focuses on digital availability, content classification policy, and audience research which together shape thematic textual analysis of Eastern European ordeal cinema here conceived as a singular body of extreme horror, ranging from exploitation to art- cinema.
My research is the first sustained analysis of the digital distribution of Eastern European ordeal cinema in the UK and the way it impacts and is impacted upon, by British film classification. I contend that Eastern European ordeal cinema requires attention; it is critically under-studied in English language scholarship and yet is arguably exemplary of challenges brought about by global content sharing. Film classification has thus become stricter, completing a year cyclical development to return to familiar arguments; ones which prioritise issues of taste, obscenity and disgust.
In their fidelity to notions of common-sense censorship, the BBFC have come to define the life-cycle of ordeal films in the UK; even—or perhaps especially—when films are not submitted for classification. These divisions work to designate ordeal films and their associated audiences and pleasures as wrong, unsanctioned, harmful, and a moral threat to UK life.
Ironically, in doing so, the BBFC raise the profile of such films and promote them to wider audiences. It also provides a summary of each chapter, situates the study within the literature, and outlines some of the terminology recurrent in this work. Rationale and Methodology Situated broadly within research exploring UK film regulation and European horror cinema, this thesis specifically contributes to the theorisation of transnational film availability and the subsequently changeable situatedness of film consumption.
In addition, the thesis advances the study of contemporary UK video-on-demand content regulation. The thesis therefore unavoidably draws upon different theoretical concepts and uses a mixed methodology which includes textual and thematic analysis, longitudinal policy analysis, audience research and elite interviewing, in order to create a holistic view of the contemporary situation in the UK, as is outlined below.
The thesis is comprised of five chapters and a conclusion. The framework unfolds in three strands which have in common their impact on the perception by film regulators, and the home-distribution, of extreme horror cinema in the country; and resultantly, on home-video regulation pertaining to adult cinema. Arguably, approaching the study in this way is vital because cinema is always encountered by a viewer who is situated and grounded in their own experience of life—in this case within the UK—as is demonstrated by fieldwork carried out for Chapter Four.
The research is time-bracketed and focuses primarily on the production and circulation of extreme films between and There are several reasons for this. The Balkans were the final part of the Eastern European region to have their film industry opened to market capitalism and the influence of Hollywood; filmmakers in the region were required to rethink funding streams and consequently, to attract publicity and audiences.
Over the same period extreme cinema became increasingly noticeable in the UK beginning with the emergence of Asia extreme in the late nineties and followed by several high-profile art-house releases Frey Cinema simultaneously became more accessible through streaming internet distribution resulting from the development of Web 2. As a consequence, — has seen the BBFC face a multitude of challenges brought about by technological advances which have impacted upon the way they treat ordeal cinema.
Despite having had a lengthy and antagonistic relationship with horror cinema, BBFC responses to new distribution processes mean that film regulation fundamentally augments the UK circulation of Eastern European extreme cinema in innovative ways, and simultaneously reopens old debates as the organisation seeks to transplant analogue legislation into the digital realm. The free circulation of horror online therefore troubles the 3 Web 2.
It is characterised by the movement from static pages to dynamic content and the proliferation of social media. This is significant because steps taken by the BBFC to resolve these anxieties reflect the desire to regain control of disintermediation. Secondly, national or local concerns are less limiting in extreme film, thus it transcends cultural specificity by playing on fears common to most citizens of the world. Horror is an easily exported filmic product for which there exists a large international audience Jancovich et al.
This makes horror an ideal subject for a study concerned with the availability of films beyond national borders and boundaries— both physical and metaphorical—and consumed in the home. Chapter One begins with a critical introduction to the way in which horror cinema, and particularly extreme cinema, is to be understood throughout the thesis.
Chapter One engages with this descriptor in-depth in order to elaborate how such a label shapes conceptions of both film and audience in the UK. I argue these determinations fail to account for the numerous ways in which genre is interpreted by the individual at the point of reception. I contend the term extreme is therefore unhelpful when discussing such films, and that a term which accounts for this holistic form of interaction is necessary.
Notably, such a division also affects the way films are treated by the BBFC who both respond to, and contribute to, labelling processes. Instead I argue for the implementation of a less loaded descriptor. Notably, none of these classifications emanate from audiences, but rather are impressed upon them. This is arguably not always necessary, though many ordeal films cover only a short period of time.
This is investigated in the thesis through cross-thematic analysis of films produced in Eastern Europe, and is relevant because production context informs narrative film-making, which subsequently impacts upon reception and understanding of the finished product. Similarly, I argue that the UK audience and media reception of extreme films from Eastern Europe might influence the way countries of production or location are perceived by viewers in the UK. The discourse surrounding the film arguably reiterated an impression of Eastern Europe as a rich source of transgressive cinema and Serbia itself as a place of transgression.
However, this perception of Eastern Europe has deeper roots than the recent production of extreme films in the region. In UK cultural studies, the concept of the Orient is derived from colonialism. Orientalism as a discourse allows us to understand how Eastern Europe functions under the Western gaze, as the embodiment of the repressed psyche.
Eastern Europe is a place of unease for the West due to its time spent as a Soviet satellite community. Eastern European nationalism then, originally conceived as a product of the West, now manifests as a threat to it. To portray this, the film relies on stereotypes of Eastern Europe Fletcher , It is set in Slovakia but was shot in the Czech Republic, allowing one Eastern European country to uncritically and seemingly without irony act as a substitute for another.
In this way, the film reinforces the very worldview it seeks to critique. These films were made by auteurs and exhibited in a global theatre. Many of their films explored the political chaos surrounding the break-up of Yugoslavia. It is defined for the purposes of this thesis as those countries which were heavily affected by communism. I contend it is important to consider how the burden of sovietisation continues to influence the way these countries are conceptualised both through film production in the region, and through reception in the UK.
Some of these films have never been viewed or classified by the BBFC. The proliferation of online film distribution has temporarily resulted in broader UK access to material previously only available via home-video import, and to some extent, art-house cinemas and film festivals. Therefore, Chapter Two of this thesis investigates the role played by distribution in the circulation of genre cinema in the UK. The chapter highlights issues of availability and modes of access which frame the discussion of film regulation undertaken in Chapter Three and inform audience research discussed in Chapter Four.
Chapter Two takes as its main focus the importance of digital distribution, and to a lesser extent film festivals, to the availability of horror cinema in the UK. As film festivals are important spaces for horror cinema audiences I also used them as a point of access to horror viewers for fieldwork discussed in Chapter Four.
It is therefore necessary to consider availability in this context before investigating how audiences are able to expand on the festival experience. The chapter 7 It is worth noting at this juncture that despite the perception more Eastern European films became available on UK VOD platforms after the release of A Serbian Film, the volume of ordeal films produced within Eastern Europe remains relatively low.
This research is derived from the study of festival programmes produced each year of operation between and and strives to ascertain the number of films programmed originating in Europe as a whole, and Eastern Europe specifically. This breakdown is undertaken to highlight the centrality of the home distribution market to the circulation of Eastern European horror, despite the existence of genre-specific parallel-theatrical distribution circuits. The second half of Chapter Two concentrates on internet-mediated digital film markets, including subscription on-demand streaming and download-to-own services available in the UK, such as Netflix and Amazon Prime Instant Video.
However, I also challenge the interpretation of digital distribution as effectively disruptive through consideration of emerging gatekeepers to digital content, including the BBFC. Chapter Two therefore necessarily covers the technical operation of VOD services which ultimately affects the way they can be regulated.
Formal distribution aims to meet established criteria for legal enterprise. Other services exist in the liminal space between these two poles. For example, Popcorn Time, or YouTube—bought by Google in —which now offers a film rental or download-to-own service, facilitated by Google Play, as well as the allowing the upload of user-generated content UGC. Discussing distribution and availability along a spectrum allows space in the thesis to consider the multiple ways audiences come to cinema, and to better understand how this challenges traditional film industry gatekeepers, such as regulatory bodies.
Chapter Two concludes by considering the use of genre as a tool to streamline catalogue-navigation on VOD platforms. Genres and sub-genres are noted and logged in other to create a rounded picture of film-tagging by the main providers. Finally, Chapter Two addresses the low availability of Eastern European cinema on the two platforms.
Chapter Three argues that the perception and circulation of cinema in the UK is not only affected by digital distribution and discourses surrounding extreme horror, but also by the way in which it is regulated. The BBFC are notably challenged by the rapid development of subscription video on-demand services and other informal methods of online distribution.
Consequently, UK legislation governing the regulation of online distribution has evolved in an attempt to make the Video Recordings Act enforceable in digital spaces. BBFC regulation is therefore investigated through a review of home-entertainment regulation, both historically and in the contemporary context of disintermediation.
This takes the form of policy analysis between and The chapter briefly introduces home-video regulation in the UK, before addressing notable idiosyncrasies of the Video Recordings Act under which such distribution is controlled. SSV cinema refers to those films which include images of extreme violence or sexual violence, usually committed by one human against another.
This may incorporate rape, other forms of sexual violence, and sustained physical torture. The transgressive imagery in SSV cinema pushes boundaries drawn by film regulation and moral frameworks. This discussion contextualises empirical findings presented in Chapter Four and textual analysis undertaken in Chapter Five.
As this research seeks to comprehend the intersection of digital distribution, audience reception, and 8 Other reasons include but are not limited to animal cruelty, and the seeking of a lower classification by distributors. There appears to be a discrepancy between how these films are treated, and how those considered to have less artistic merit are handled. As subjective regulatory judgements inadvertently elevate the status of one type of film over another and thus, one type of audience over another, it is important to consider how this impacts upon marginal films and audiences.
For this reason, his contribution was felt to be essential. I chose elite interviewing in an attempt to elicit details otherwise unavailable to me via desk-based research within the BBFC archives. Instead, interviews enabled me to ask more exploratory questions relating to policy and classification, and in some cases covered thought processes otherwise hidden behind closed doors. The interviews were semi-structured in order to allow them to be investigative whilst allowing space for digression.
Natural tangents in the conversation revealed more about the milieu at the BBFC than many of the more formal answers elicited in response to questions. All transcripts were typed up and emailed to participants for written approval and consent to quote. Whilst Critcher rejects the concept of moral panic, I combine his work with that of Stanley Cohen to suggest that SSV cinema always invokes moral tension but is frequently elevated to full blown panic when the government wishes to implement new forms of control.
Chapter Three concludes by considering case-studies of BBFC encounters with Eastern European cinema and the impact of these high-profile cases on the way Eastern European films are circulated in the UK. The results are derived from a combination of small-scale, short-form surveys, and 31 in-depth, email-mediated interviews with respondents subsequently drawn from the sample.
Interviews questioned access to cinema mediated by the internet, understandings of Eastern European and extreme cinema, personal assessment of film classification, and finally, attitudes regarding sexual and sadistic violence in film. The discussion chapter emerges from a combination of quantitative analysis and qualitative, data-led thematic analysis, cross-referenced with the tri- partite strands of the preceding chapters. Audience research is well-established in the field of media studies.
James G. Audience research understands real audiences as always located, geographically, socially and historically, and responses as shaped by a sense of self and of place in the world Barker , 1. Audience research is particularly valuable when researching film regulation because audiences are spoken for and impacted by policies which tend to homogenise them; it is important to establish if policy and audience are correlated.
Pett ; Barker This includes the work of Philip Schlesinger et al. Audience research was carried out in two distinct stages. The first stage aimed to collect primarily quantitative data. The second stage involved email- mediated interviews and collected a mixture of qualitative and quantitative data.
The methodology and rationale are outlined below. The voices of this audience are rarely accounted for in BBFC policy research. The research questions how digital distribution enables horror fans to easily expand upon this experience.
Different geographical areas of approach enabled me to enlist a wide spectrum of audience members across different sub-genre preferences, and from a range of cities across the North, South, and West of the UK. The first objective of the short survey was to collect qualitative data regarding film screenings and the uptake of foreign horror in the UK; horror film and classification in the UK; and the role of the internet in horror film viewing.
The survey was presented in two different formats. This service allows for ease of operation and anonymity; Survey Monkey allows the user to capture data anonymously. It also enables the geo-blocking of countries other than the one s desired, without seizing IP addresses in a manner visible to the user. The initial data capture asked respondents to select their gender and their age range, and to answer the three questions see Appendix Two. As they were intended to generate quantitative data, postcards provided multiple-choice options only.
However, many respondents took the time to elaborate their views in space available on the postcard. Online surveys therefore included both multiple-choice and optional comment boxes for each question. The secondary objective of the short survey was 10 No IP addresses were collected by the research. The response rate was highest through online data collection, with completions from this medium.
Data collected via festival attendance produced 85 responses but a more balanced gender spread. Internet-mediated interviews are an established method of qualitative research in the social sciences cf. In this way, I could cover a greater geographical area in a limited time span.
Other benefits of email-mediated interviews include anonymity both real and perceived and thus, the potential for candid responses, and the ability to take time over the formulation of answers. This was felt to be desirable and likely to produce more honest responses due to the sensitive nature of the subject matter. Email mediated responses also reduce time spent transcribing interviews and can be instantly entered into software for coding and analysis.
Similarly, a single researcher can conduct multiple email interviews simultaneously. Notably, not every UK resident has the privilege of internet access, but as this is a project regarding online access to cinema, the inclusion of such participants is not pertinent. Email mediated interviews naturally have limitations. Arguably, this can temper the richness of such discourse.
This was adjusted for as far as possible in the methodology by informing participants that follow-up communication might be required and then using this method to request clarification where needed. Regardless, this is unable to account for tone and physical expressions. Lack of face-to-face contact also risks participants losing focus in their answers and wandering off topic, something that is much more difficult to control for.
Instead, I filtered out unrelated material through the process of coding and analysis. Email interviews may be potentially time-consuming with long waits between replies and responses, no responses, and variability in the volume of the reply. I therefore sent all requests for information with a deadline. I also sent a series of reminders to non-responders until this date, after which, no further contact was made.
In opposition to perceiving the internet as anonymous, some people may be suspicious of sharing personal information with a stranger. I attempted to assuage this by providing detailed information about the project and the researcher, and clear contact details.
All participants were informed of their right to cease participation and withdraw their information at any time without reason and without prejudice. Though I considered using focus groups due to potentially rich discussion generated by such a research methodology, I felt these may have limited scope due to social pressure to read sexual and sadistic violence in a specific way. Therefore, focus groups did not form part of this audience study. This offered two methods of participation from which to choose, to maximise the likelihood of a response.
The first option instructed participants to answer the questions in the word file and return by email. The email also contained information about, and a declaration of, consent. No respondents chose to participate using this method. The email instructed participants to click a link and answer the questions online see Appendix Three. This method led participants through the research information and consent prior to beginning. Entry of the contact email address confirmed consent. Without consent, participants were unable to progress through to the interview.
Participants could skip all questions to allow them control over the information volunteered. I advised all participants in all communications of their right to withdraw both themselves and their information, at any stage of the process. No participants chose to do so. Emails were sent in batches to capture and eliminate errors or confusion at the earliest possible stage. Of the total emails sent, five addresses returned delivery failure notices; I marked these inactive, reducing the sample to The process elicited 31 completed responses and four partial responses.
However, 31 participants allowed the research to reach saturation and is therefore an adequate size for purpose cf. The 31 full-responders are broken down in Figure One above. I sent twelve follow-up emails for further discussion and clarification of concepts, however, only six of these participants replied. Two of the follow-up emails resulted in further discussion.
The entire process took one month. All email responses were considered a continuous conversation and are therefore analysed together. The discussion in the body of Chapter Four uses a combination of quantitative analysis and data-led thematic analysis. I collated all multiple-choice responses to both stages using Microsoft Excel to create pictorial expressions of the data, which were then evaluated in alongside qualitative information. Qualitative data was approached through thematic analysis which is used to identify, analyse and report patterns or themes within data sets Braun and Clarke All interview transcripts were imported into Nvivo, a piece of software that allows the user to manage and analyse qualitative data Anon ND.
The user allocates specific portions of text to each node allowing recurrent themes to emerge. I then cross-referenced emergent themes with the tri-partite strands of the research seeking patterns of behaviour regarding access to cinema mediated by the internet, understandings of Eastern European and extreme cinema, personal assessment of censorship and classification, and separately, attitudes regarding sexual and sadistic violence in film.
Informed by research in the preceding three chapters, these emergent themes structure the discussion chapter. The chapter moves on to outline respondent preferences regarding horror cinema and personal taste, which elucidates how genre is understood in reference to individual and societal circumstances, and is changeable in nature. This seeks to better understand the relationship between a contemporary horror cinema audience and the regulator.
The chapter also presents data elucidating how and where audiences choose to engage with cinema in order to illustrate, in real terms, if and how digital cinema defines and has changed horror audience relationships to film. The closing chapter of this thesis is comprised of case studies which are explored in light of the issues investigated in the preceding chapters.
The chapter draws upon examples of Eastern European extreme cinema which are available in the UK, with or without classification. These films are analysed through a combination of textual and thematic analysis, and through an examination of their production circumstances and availability in the country.
Where films have encountered the BBFC, these encounters are discussed. The BBFC watch, discuss and interpret films through a combination of textual and thematic analysis, and consideration of production, political and social context. It is thus desirable to provide such a breakdown when considering how the synergy of film classification and online film distribution influences the different ways Eastern European ordeal cinema can be accessed and understood in the UK.
They are also used to illustrate orientalist readings of Eastern European cinema which directly affect the way Eastern European films, and by extension, Eastern Europe, are perceived in the UK. However, despite the perception that more Eastern European films flooded the UK VOD market after the release of A Serbian Film, it is in fact the case that the volume of ordeal films produced within Eastern Europe remains relatively low.
Therefore, the thesis works to rectify a gap in the English language literature by discussing representative examples of Eastern European extreme cinema. Similarly, each film is conspicuously set in Eastern Europe and addresses regional concerns such as Europeanisation, the past, systemic violence, and post- communist sexual freedoms.
As such, this thesis undertakes analysis by addressing both regional anxieties, and potential external readings, through textual and thematic analysis. Further, these examples are considered in the context of production and distribution, and the impact of both on thematic interpretation, in order to achieve a rounded understanding of Eastern European extreme cinema as it exists in the UK. Chapter Five concludes by thematically exploring the use of SSV in the case studies in order to highlight the moral issues which motivate the desire to extend regulation into digital spaces, and their proximity to pornography.
Yet, it is clear when reviewing scholarship pertaining to the distribution and exhibition of European cinema in UK theatres or homes, and specifically cinema originating outside of Western Europe, this is only partially the case and more work is required. Where the distribution of European film is attended to within the study of film, it is most often discussed in the wider context of production: in relation to American dominance and European aspirations towards a 13 Lobato and Ryan highlight the work of Charles Acland , Janet Harbord and Kevin Heffernan as exceptions.
Further to this, it is overwhelmingly discussed in relation to theatrical distribution. Many academic publications concerned with European film distribution compare Hollywood with Europe Guback ; Merziger ; Trumpbour , rather than focusing on the distribution of European films in Europe.
More specifically, texts addressing UK distribution are compelled to consider the distribution of cinema produced and usually distributed by US owned corporations, despite being a European country cf. Petley , This is because the US market share of the UK box office is extremely high—sitting at an average of In this context, the UK is simultaneously both within and without Europe.
Having historically been more closely aligned to the industry in Hollywood, film distribution in the UK is frequently marginalised in literature surveying European distribution patterns. The distribution of cinema in Britain is approached from other methodological and disciplinary perspectives, but these too include relatively little discussion of film circulation beyond the movement of domestic productions, or the supremacy of the Hollywood market; again with a focus on theatrical distribution.
The British Film Institute BFI systematically releases statistics and analysis pertaining to the British film industry, primarily focusing on the performance of UK productions at home and abroad. These historical and statistical explorations of distribution provide valuable context for a meaningful discussion of contemporary systems of theatrical distribution and exhibition. This is a large, exploitable gap in the literature, where more work is needed.
The book investigates European production, co-production, distribution and pan-European funding. Western and Northern European countries are the primary focus of her text, undoubtedly because many pan-European funding bodies originate here. Jones and Higson ; Jones This work looks specifically at the exhibition of film produced by EU countries in both the UK and other European states, and the circulation of British film in Europe. This provides insight but is a self-limiting project in its failure to address other modes of access or exhibition; a lack reflected in many distribution studies.
For example, Jeffrey Himpele theorises the significance of digital film distribution for audience construction through the process of windowing Himpele , and Sean Cubitt brings this work up to date, assessing the impact of digital distribution on release windows Cubitt Further afield, academics are addressing informal digital distribution. Early scientific studies suggest informal, internet-mediated film distribution is not as damaging to DVD sales as music piracy was to CD sales Smith and Telang Regardless, research tends to be most readily preoccupied with the fiscal impact of informal distribution on the film industry Wang ; Hennig-Thurau, Henning, and Sattler ; McIllwain ; Huygen et al.
Feona Attwood instead frames this debate in shades of grey Attwood , a sentiment echoed by James G Webster who argues for more balance in how digital media and digital audiences are theoretically constituted Webster This is an area which requires further development, and to which the present study contributes. Besides the Screen: Moving Images through Distribution, Promotion and Curation offers an invaluable holistic intervention into the space between formal and informal digital distribution.
Of interest to this thesis are contributions by Alejandro Pardo, Stefania Haritou, and Jonas Andersson Schwarz, all of whom approach the transformative nature of digital distribution in reference to both formal and informal practices of production and distribution In an article co-written with Mark Ryan, Lobato begins to think through the impact of digital film distribution on genre constitution and filmmaking itself The present research fits within this body of work.
The thesis necessarily accounts for the distribution and availability of Eastern European horror in the UK, arguing that this fundamentally shapes perceptions of film across the regions. Further, this is the first study interested in researching digital film distribution and disintermediation in contrast with attempts at re-intermediation and the emergence of new gatekeepers in relation to content regulators, rather than content providers.
Though pursuing this study further in relation to informal distribution and piracy is desirable, due to space restrictions, this thesis is not able to take steps in this area. Instead, the focus is maintained on the regulation of VOD. The BBFC have an enduring and complex relationship with the horror genre and it is impossible to discuss the distribution of horror cinema in the UK without accounting for the impact of the BBFC cf. Both Barker and Petley also embrace the wider debate concerning censorship in media and culture.
This body of work provides a detailed critique of UK censorship, often tracking developments in real time, and is used to critically inform some of the arguments made in this thesis. Petley and Barker both exhibit clear anti-censorship bias through these texts. Nevertheless, they provide factual, historical accounts of the details which are corroborated by other scholarship, both historical and contemporary.
They are therefore a solid foundation to the body of work which emerged in response to the video nasty debate. Both have continued to work on censorship and have produced many publications working and reworking academic assessments of film, and video censorship in the UK cf. Barker and Petley Though there is an extensive volume of academic literature attending to the role, development, and practice of the BBFC, especially in relation to the video nasties, very few texts consider the development of the organisation throughout the 21st Century or question their continuing utility in the age of online film distribution.
There are exceptions: Emma Pett writes in this area with reference to extreme cinema ; see also Walker and Frey Other authors focus on the regulation of extreme pornography cf. Attwood and Smith ; Petley , ; Jones , and the convergence of film and television regulation in line with the emergence of VOD regulation cf. These contributions form a useful body of cutting-edge research, providing insight into creeping governmental control over the internet.
The horror genre has gained significant academic attention in recent years, resulting in numerous publications. Several monographs address the nature and historical development of the genre cf. Newman ; Hutchings , contemporary manifestations of horrific elements cf.
Henry ; Kerner , the evolution of generic cycles and ideologies cf. Read ; Heller- Nicholas , and psychoanalytical and sociological analysis cf. Carroll Tomes are dedicated to horror auteurs, audience responses cf. Schlesinger et al ; Cherry , gender in horror cf.
Clover ; Grant , fandom cf. Jancovich, Faire and Cummings ; Hills , and consideration of media effects studies Barker and Petley Two general horror publications of importance to this research are those of Mark Jancovich and Peter Hutchings.
Throughout —, a small amount of literature has discussed the graphic depiction of sex and violence in contemporary extreme cinema. However, there remains, thus far, very little academic literature addressing this cycle beyond Western European art-cinema or American mainstream torture-porn cf. Jones Consequently, his work has rightly come to inform the analysis of contemporary extreme cinema in some instances.
Conversely, scholars such as Dean Lockwood, Mark Featherstone and Beth Johnson use film philosophy and psychoanalytical theory to argue such films can be read more deeply; that it is not viewer empathy or spectacle, there are political and social meanings to be found in spectacle horror cf. Other examples include art-cinema, such as Antichrist or underground cinema, such as Murder Set Pieces Palumbo This thesis is motivated by the truth underpinning both positions; character identification is not necessarily required for the provocation of an ethical interaction with film, but similarly, not all transgressive films are populated by disposable characters.
Similarly, I contend transgression and extreme imagery has value in itself; that meaning is interpreted from the reconstitution of personal and social boundaries, quite apart from the political or historical commentary imbued within narrative and structure cf. Brown ; Kimber As noted, a literature review demonstrates critics have more often aligned the history of the horror genre with the development of Anglo-American horror films which marginalises other significant sites of production, such as Spain, Italy, Mexico and France, on the global stage Hantke , Neither of these approaches facilitates the discussion of horror cinema produced in Europe as national and supranational, which is arguably necessary to the analysis of the genre and something which this thesis seeks to do.
Beyond this, despite the removal of many political and economic barriers within post-war Europe, cultural barriers and biases prevail in the criticism and reception of visible European cinema. Thus, within the existing literature, there is an unequivocal bias towards the cinema of established Western European film industries.
Such discourse is concerned with the cinema of France, West Germany, Italy and Spain, and then only that which is highly visible internationally. Beyond this, there are a plethora of articles published from onwards in journals such as Kinoeye, Participations, Horror Studies, JumpCut and Cine-Excess, indicating academics are increasingly engaging with European horror.
Whilst the book investigates the screening and reception of Eurohorror in the USA, it is an invaluable, broad analysis of European horror history. Olney recognises the influence of European horror on the development of the genre worldwide, and specifically in America, much more readily than other texts.
However, his interest in the USA exhibition context of Euro horror means this contribution is limited in its scope. Three main preoccupations have traditionally characterised critical accounts of European cinema, including horror. Firstly, the study of aesthetics, which focuses primarily on the distinction between high and low culture, and specifically prioritises art-cinema, thus popular horror rarely features in such debates. Betz maps out a disconnect between auteur theory and genre studies, and the subsequent sustained focus on art-cinema.
Secondly, critics of European cinema frequently attend to the textual and contextual analysis of individual, national and cultural identities within European cinema. Only the editorials attempt to discern common themes across nations and subjects under consideration Ezra ; Allmer, Brick, and Huxley a. This is also reflected in analyses of European horror, which approach selected extreme films as art-house cf.
Horeck and Kendall , Frey , and relegate the broader study of horror to specialist, or individualistic volumes and essays cf. Smaller national cinemas are more frequently represented in monographs of their own, if at all. Changes to the political geography of Europe, and the subsequent impact on discussions of European geopolitical space and its relationship to film have received attention from scholars in the last decade Iordanova ; Ezra ; Imre , a; Galt ; Betz The fall of the Iron Curtain rendered Europe physically united but culturally divided.
These definitions are as fluid as the wider European borders and shape-shift based on the interpretation of cultural commonalities, religion, ethnicity, purpose, and author preference. Revisionist texts concerned with Eastern European cinema map either the evolution of identity behind and beyond the Iron Curtain cf.
She argues instead of a nationalistic approach, film studies must ultimately approach Europe as one location, simultaneously considered as a matter of space and time, a place of co-productions, through the lens of European funding, and as hybridised, radical and diasporic Ibid. In opposition to this, Ewa Mazierska contends that approaching Eastern European cinema in this way is counter-productive and perpetuates the marginalisation faced by the region Dina Iordanova advocates for a fully regionalist approach to the cinema of Eastern Europe which moves beyond the representation of European culture as a cohesive entity but refrains from taking a purely nationalistic view Arguably, in this way, both the specificity and the transnational aspects of Eastern European productions can be better understood.
I contend that by relating recurring national themes in the horror cinema of individual Eastern European countries, to the wider region, we can nuance the indictment of unity in a region commonly considered a cohesive entity. There is remarkably little English language academic literature directly addressing popular cinema produced in Eastern Europe; this is particularly the case for horror. As with Anglo-American slant to horror literature more generally, this can be attributed to the critical preference for Western European horror, lack of access due to Soviet-derived restrictions, and crucially, a lack of films; the history of horror production in Eastern Europe is erratic.
The book focuses particularly on art-house films and is a critical juncture in the study of extreme cinema. The lack of attention to Eastern Europe here demonstrates studies like the present thesis are needed. European Nightmares a collates a series of essays addressing the history of horror cinema in Europe since , including some extreme titles. Though this book makes steps towards expanding the range of material written about Eastern European cinema, the two sections focused on regions rather than nations are very small in relation to the number of countries requiring coverage.
In fact, they are the same size as those earlier sections dedicated to single nations. Further, the book makes little attempt to thematically link the cinema of Europe. Through textual analysis of representative extreme films derived from Eastern Europe, this thesis therefore contributes to a largely overlooked area of study in the hope this may be developed in the future. Eastern Europe As noted, the physical boundaries of Eastern Europe are subject to academic debate. The region is defined in the context of this thesis as those countries forced to spend time as Soviet satellite states during the twentieth century.
As a result of their shared history, these countries are all subject to some level of orientalist perception, as is discussed in Chapter One. Mainstream is used in the thesis specifically in relation to horror cinema. These films will usually have been passed by the BBFC. In some cases, this may include films which feature toned down SSV for wide theatrical release, such as that featured in Hostel or Saw for example. Digital Distribution As very few European horror films benefit from cinema exhibition, this study is specifically concerned with the viewing of horror cinema beyond theatrical release.
Digital distribution therefore specifically encompasses the online distribution, via streaming or download, of film for viewing in the home. Hardcopy Hardcopy distribution refers to the distribution of film in a physical format. Legitimate and illegitimate Legitimacy and illegitimacy are cultural values that vary according to society and culture. Legitimacy is the cultural acceptance of a behaviour as valid; illegitimacy denotes that which is not.
In this thesis, these terms refer to the moral values of a group of people, in this case, the UK. An act is legitimate when it is morally and ethically accepted by society. Tensions frequently arise between those activities which may be deemed morally acceptable but are against the law, or else those which are deemed lawful but morally unacceptable. In this context, legitimate and illegitimate can be used to differentiate between the legal and the moral.
And how do we account for the many-faceted contexts in which this idea of extreme cinema manifests itself? Horeck and Kendall , 7 This chapter undertakes a critical introduction to European horror, before narrowing the scope of the discussion to focus on extreme horror produced on the continent. This affectation is particularly acute in relation to extreme films produced in Eastern Europe, which I argue is a region already imbued with orientalist perceptions.
The chapter argues these issues must be considered concurrently to effectively understand the way the circulation, regulation and reception of Eastern European ordeal cinema augment the way in which it is understood in the UK. This is often the case; the formulaic construct of the nineties slasher or the basic outline of hillbilly horror are examples of this conventional practice.
However, genre is primarily a marketing tool which enables audiences to pre-judge a film. Horror, as genre, is therefore inherently changeable. Genres are shaped and defined by the way films circulate and are seen by audiences Hutchings , The consequent difficulties in demarcating the boundaries of the horror genre at any given time are exacerbated by the tendency of film marketing to label and package film according to the desired audience; for example, Antichrist is at once a thriller, drama, and horror, extreme and art-house.
In some cases, films belonging to one subgenre are repackaged and resold as another, depending upon which subgenre is the focus of the mainstream horror cycle. However, such discourse focuses mainly on the cinema of Western Europe, and then only those films which are highly visible internationally.
Even if we make allowances for European horror primarily referring to horror produced in Western Europe—the citizens and values of which arguably exhibit more commonalities than the broader European Union—the perception of European horror as a singular body of work, exhibiting a shared identity that somehow transcends the individual nationalities comprising Europe, is a questionable formation. Therefore, European cinema is necessarily a notion in flux.
Thus, horror produced in Europe is best approached whilst bearing in mind the crossover between Anglo-American and European renderings of the genre. Nevertheless, genre is as much defined by use and consumption as it is by production, marketing, academics and critics. Indeed, most European extreme cinema currently inhabits the liminal space between the horror canon and the art- cinema canon. Extreme Cinema This thesis draws upon films that fall loosely within the remit of extreme cinema as developed by Tanya Horeck and Tina Kendall Horeck and Kendall a.
However, it originates in specific reference to European art-house cinema. Some directors concentrate on taboo subjects violent crimes, rape, incest , and draw on the conventions of genres such as gore and pornography, that have been marginalized by both mainstream and art-cinema. As art-cinema, extreme films are not always contained by the traditional parameters of the horror genre, which is divided into three categories; the fear of monsters, the fear of the self and the fear of others Kawin , 5.
Nevertheless, these films contain deliberately horrific elements that are notable for their focus on bodily affect. Bullet Ballet Source: CD. The GhostHustlers are called into action when their school is invaded by "Erotomaniac Spirits" that have turned the female students into an uncontrollable libidinous frenzy.
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|Microsoft office word 2007 free download utorrent 2016||Rehmat's father decides to arrange her marriage with a law-abiding man called Yuvi which places Rehmat at a crossroad in her life. Nor is it forced to consider cultural classifications. Similarly, I would like to acknowledge the staff at Abertoir and the Leeds International Film Festival who took the time to facilitate me as a researcher and went above and beyond to provide me with information. He decides to become a gigolo to lonely rich women. However, despite the perception that more Eastern European films flooded the UK VOD market after the release of A Serbian Film, it is in fact the case that the volume of ordeal films produced within Eastern Europe remains here low. These films were made by auteurs and exhibited in a global theatre.|
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Quotes Bob Sweeney : There was a moment, when I used to blame everything and everyone for all the pain and suffering and vile things that happened to me, that I saw happen to my people. Alternate versions The New Line Cinema DVD features 3 deleted scenes: A scene in which an elderly black woman is harassed and made to cry on the boardwalk by a bunch of teenage skinheads.
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